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It is difficult to form the right opinion regarding a person like Davout. The insults thrown at him, supported by some historians, tended to destroy sympathy for him from the very beginning, without even bothering to look deeper into such an extraordinary and controversial personality as the future Duke of Auerstedt and Prince of Eckmühl, who rightfully received the nickname “Iron Marshal” . As Hadley writes, “Confident in all his actions and due to his stern character, he committed actions that pointed to a man who was cruel and insensitive. But if we judge people by their deeds, and not by the reasons that prompted them to commit these actions, then we are forced to regard the Duke of Wellington as the most cruel of people. His entire political course in England - his constant opposition to all reforms, his rude attitude towards the petitions of the poor and helpless, his callous indifference to the cries of thousands of starving people, proves his most callous and ruthless character. But his actions, which caused so much suffering and aroused so much indignation that even his home was crowded with indignant compatriots, all stem from his education as a military man. Everything must submit to the established order of things, and the suffering of individuals should not be taken into account. Same with Davout. Having received a military education from his youth, accustomed from childhood to scenes of revolutionary violence, with all its moral and moral principles originating from the roar of battles and the depravity of the camps, the life of a soldier was for him the true life of a person. Success and victory were the only goals to which he attached primary importance and, forming his opinion in advance, he was well aware that suffering and death would certainly be present. All this is a natural result of his firm belief that all means are good to achieve victory, as well as his military credo - “to the victors belong the spoils.” He did nothing carelessly, and did not have the courtesy and gentleness in his manner and behavior, which softens many harsh and rude actions and actions, and gives the impression that they were done more from need than from desire. 1 .

Davout's three main virtues were: great personal courage and fearlessness, complete self-control and endurance in moments of danger, and incredible perseverance and fortitude. In the skill with which he selected the terrain, arranged the troops, and determined the point and moment of attack, he had few who surpassed him in Europe. Swift in attack, he was completely calm and incredibly tenacious in defense. This combination of two such opposing qualities seemed to characterize many of Napoleonic generals and was the main reason for their success.
His personal courage was well known in the army and whenever he struck a blow, it was clear to everyone that this blow would be the strongest, the heaviest imaginable.
The most important services rendered by him at Austerlitz, Preussisch-Eylau, Eckmühl and Wagram significantly influenced the outcome of these battles and contributed to Napoleon's victory. The victory over the Prussian army at Auerstedt in 1806 occupies a special place among the victories of French arms of that period. His administrative activities in Poland and Germany helped strengthen his authority not only in the eyes of Napoleon, but also in the eyes of the emperor’s circle.
His relations with Napoleon were quite trusting and warm during the period of the Consulate and the larger period of the Empire. However, they began to cool on Napoleon's part during the Russian campaign of 1812 and became more tense in 1813-1814. However, Louis Nicolas Davout remained loyal to Napoleon during the Hundred Days, serving as France's Minister of War.
Among Napoleon's marshals, Davout was distinguished not only for his military leadership and administrative talents, but also for his honesty and selflessness.

Louis Nicolas Davout was born on May 10, 1770 in the family castle of Annou, in Burgundy. He belonged to an old but poor Burgundian noble family, known since the 13th century. This family regularly supplied brave warriors to the Dukes of Burgundy, and then to the French kings. No wonder an old Burgundian proverb said: “When Davout is born, the sword leaves its sheath.” 2 .
Davout the father, continuing the family tradition, followed the military path, rising to the rank of lieutenant.
Louis Nicolas's mother, Marie-Adelaide, according to Count Vigier, was “a woman of rare virtues and deep intelligence...” 3 . Like her husband, she belonged to a noble noble family. One of her ancestors, a certain Antoine Minard, was the chairman of the Paris Parliament for 15 years (Parliament of Paris is the highest judicial body in France).
Soon after the birth of the first child (After Louis Nicolas, another sister, Julie, and two brothers, Alexander and Charles, appeared in the family) The Davout family moved from Annou to Etivi, where the first nine years of Louis Nicolas' life passed. On March 3, 1779, Father Jean-Francois died while hunting; according to one version, he died from an accidental shot, according to another, coming from Count Vigier, he was killed in a duel 4 . 38-year-old Madame Davout was left a widow with four young children in her arms.
Having sold the estate in Etivi, Madame Davout bought a castle and lands in Ravier, where she moved with her entire family, with the exception of Louis Nicolas, who in 1779 was sent to study at the royal military school in Auxerre (Auxerre).

The excellent military education he received first at Auxerre (Auxerres), and then at the most prestigious - Paris military schools, laid excellent foundations for successful service, which began in the Champagne cavalry regiment and carried out garrison service in the town of Esden, province of Artois. At one time, his father and uncle served in the same regiment, and in the same year, when the service began for Louis Nicolas himself, his cousin Francois-Claude.
He stood out in the regiment not only for his character, but also for his desire to know more. Young Louis Nicolas devoted all his leisure time to reading. His uncle, Major d'Avou wrote to his family: “My nephew Davout... will never become a soldier. Instead of studying (military theory), he revels in the books of Montaigne, Rousseau and other philosophers." 5 . Yes, it probably always seemed strange for an officer to be interested in philosophy. However, in the future, this knowledge (as well as extraordinary mathematical abilities) created Davout’s reputation as the most educated and one of the most capable marshals of the Empire. Already at the beginning of his service, he was able to comprehend and appreciate the ideas of the Age of Enlightenment, and from here there was only one step left before accepting the ideas and goals of the revolution.
In addition to the writings of the Enlightenment, he was famously influenced by the lawyer Louis Turreau de Lignères, who married the mother of Louis Nicolas on August 31, 1789. Nine years older than his stepson, Turreau de Lignieres, however, was a man of progressive views and a republican at heart. Louis Nicolas established a fairly even and respectful relationship with him, despite the fact that almost all members of the Davout family condemned this marriage.
Davout enthusiastically embraced the revolution and therefore it is not surprising that his soul was filled with delight when news of the storming of the Bastille arrived in Arras, where his regiment was located at that time. No one questioned the courier arriving from Paris more carefully than Louis Nicolas Davout. “This junior officer was a serious young man, a deep expert in state law, although somewhat pedantic in his profession.
As far as his contemporaries can remember, Davout devoted himself to the military profession, but by the time of the events described he had failed to make much of an impression on his superiors. His only distinguishing characteristic was his manner of slovenly dressing and disdain for attempts to show off on the part of his fellow subalterns. Polished brass and powdered wigs were of no interest to him at all. He imagined the perfect commander as a person who is interested exclusively in the professional side of his business and proceeds to action only after carefully weighing each of the options available to him: a swift attack, stubborn resistance and, if necessary, a retreat in battle and in perfect order. By the age of nineteen, he had earned a reputation as an intractable stubborn man. In the officers' mess, his speeches never ended in laughter. He did not consider it necessary to spend either time or money on courting women, as well as on card games. He also despised the ostentatious side of military life, kept a lot to himself, did not make friends and did not fawn over those who could promote him through the ranks.
He was apparently the most unpopular junior officer in the regiment, but although many laughed at his unsociability and poorly tied ties, this was done only behind his back. No one dared to express these claims to his face, since there was something in Davout’s nature that inspired, albeit unkind, respect.” 6 .
Having embraced the revolution with all his heart, he invited the officers to send a deputation to declare their commitment to the revolutionary ideas of the Champagne Regiment. Most of the junior officers supported this proposal and chose him for this mission.
Together with Davout, a young sergeant went to Paris, who was the complete opposite of Louis Nicolas in almost everything. This sergeant's name was Claude Perrin, but he did not like it too much and preferred to call himself Victor. “They were heading along the road to Paris: Davout was silent and even more thoughtful than usual. Sergeant Victor-Perrin chatted incessantly, talking about what rewards could fall on the heads of sensible sergeants who stood on the solid ground of a successfully developing revolution. So they rode side by side - two future marshals of France... Even in their most fantastic dreams they could not imagine what glory, what wealth and what differences in understanding of loyalty the coming years had in store for them. They could not even imagine that after more than twenty years of glory, one of them would sacrifice everything to save honor, and the other would begin to hunt for his former friends and sell them to the royalists." 7 .

Davout's father - Jean-Francois d'Avoux

In August 1790, formed in Esden, where Davout's regiment was again located, the National Guard invited the Royal Champagne Regiment to enter into an alliance with it. The rank and file and junior officers of the regiment, including Davout, warmly supported this proposal. However, the regiment's command was resolutely opposed to any kind of association with revolutionary-minded units. During one of the banquets, a certain officer of the royal army proclaims:
- I propose a toast that is in the hearts of each of us, especially in times of current “freedom”. And I flatter myself that there is not a nonentity among us who could say anything other than “For the health of the king!”
Without hesitating for a second, Lieutenant Davout rose from his place with a glass in his hand:
- I, gentlemen, am such a “nonentity” that Monsieur spoke about here. And I drink “For the Health of the Nation!” 8
However, the regiment's command did not want to give up their positions and decided to punish the troublemakers for their seditious thoughts. Soon an opportunity presented itself. In August, riots occurred in Esden, in which soldiers and junior officers of the regiment took part. The command sent a complaint to the Minister of War, who by his order expelled all troublemakers from the ranks of the Royal Champagne Regiment. Davout was outraged by this measure of the minister and wrote a letter to the government in which he very sharply protested about this. In response, by order of the same Minister of War, Davout was placed under arrest in the Arras Fort. Rising to the defense of their officer, the soldiers of the Champagne Regiment, as well as the National Guardsmen, sent a petition to the National Assembly so that authorized representatives would deal with the fact of arbitrariness against Davout. On September 4, 1790, the National Assembly decided to send two special commissioners to Esden to find out the truth. The proceedings took two months and ended well for Louis Nicolas. He was not only released from prison, but also reinstated in his former rank. Upon his release, Davout wrote a request for leave and immediately went to his mother in Ravier.
Having a lot of free time, Davout continues to read a large number of books, giving preference to books on ancient and modern history, and political philosophy. What he read convinces him even more of the truth of revolutionary doctrines.
In September 1791, Davout left the regular army and joined the 3rd battalion of volunteers of the Yonne department as a simple soldier. The very next day, taking into account Davout’s military education, the volunteers elect him captain, and after some time he becomes colonel.
On December 16, 1791, his battalion was sent to the Army of the North, and when the war with Prussia and Austria began in the spring of 1792, he fought under the command of General Dumouriez in the Austrian Netherlands.
Having accepted the revolution and its ideas with all his soul, Davout decides to break with the class from whose ranks he came. This step, of course, was difficult for the young officer, but he took it and is unlikely to regret it in the future.
Naturally, many of the future marshal’s contemporaries wondered why Davout broke with the noble class, what was the reason for this. Trying to find an answer to these questions, the wife of General Junot, and in the future the Duchess d'Abrantes, wrote about this: “Everyone who especially knew Marshal Davout should remember his deep hatred for the ancient nobility, and even for everyone else, before empires. But the reason for this is little known: here it is... He (Davout) was in the service before the revolution and was still very young at the time when travel to Koblenz and Worms began (Koblenz and Worms are the largest centers of French counter-revolutionary emigration). But he remembered above all that he was a Frenchman, he loudly condemned the departure of his comrades and refused to follow them. His opinion, frankly expressed, brought him trouble and, among other things, a duel. But nevertheless he remained within his own rules and did not want to leave. At first they sent notices to him - he did not look at them; they were followed by nameless letters - he despised them... But one day he received a box in which there was a spindle and a spinning wheel (The meaning of the insult was that in France under the “old regime” this meant the transition of a noble surname into a feminine one)… his heart was deeply offended. "Oh! - he said, destroying the silent and yet expressive insult. - So you want war? Okay, we will fight; but shame will fall on you, but glory and honor will fall on me... I defend my fatherland.” From that moment on, Davout became an avowed enemy of the entire ancient nobility, although he himself belonged to it and was one of the good nobles..." 9 .
On this occasion, A. Egorov writes: “There is no reason not to trust the testimony of Madame d’Abrantes, and yet, it seems that in this case she confused the effect and the cause. The reason, of course, could well have been the spinning wheel handed over to Davout “with a hint,” but the reason for his defection, undoubtedly, was much deeper. The literature of the Enlightenment, the great literature that debunked old idols, overthrew dogmas that had existed for centuries, opened Davout’s eyes to the injustice reigning in France and “recruited” him to the side of the revolution.” 10 . Another source of Davout’s revolutionary spirit, apparently, was communication with people who held democratic, republican views, such as his stepfather, Turreau de Lignieres, who later became a member of the Convention, as well as Davout’s friend Bourbotte.
Speaking about Davout's revolutionary sentiments, it is worth noting that he was always against extreme, too radical views. Therefore, the methods of the Jacobins (Montagnards) aroused his rejection. For Davout, it seemed completely unacceptable and dangerous to allow cases of lynching, “popular reprisals” against civilians, even if they were considered “enemies of the people.” In this sense, an interesting incident occurred in the winter of 1792 in the town of Dorman, where Davout’s regiment was stationed at that time.
In this town, accompanied by six companions, the former bishop of Meda, Monsieur Castelan, appeared. He stayed at a hotel, which immediately became known to local patriots, who surrounded the hotel and prepared to immediately deal with him. Davout, who arrived in time at the hotel with a detachment of soldiers, prevented lynching, personally arrested the bishop and the next morning sent him to Orleans under the guard of soldiers. It is curious that on the way to Orleans, Castellan managed to escape.
In the fall of 1792, Davout and his soldiers took part in battle for the first time as part of the army of the North. This happened on September 1 between Condé and Valenciennes. Davout takes part in the siege of Brussels and ends the 1792 campaign under the walls of Antwerp.

However, the very next year the victorious French suffered failure after failure. On March 18, 1793, near Neerwinden, Dumouriez's army suffered a severe defeat from the Austrians, and the army commander himself took the path of treason. However, Dumouriez fails to turn the army against revolutionary Paris, and he and his companions abandon the army. Davout becomes aware of the betrayal of the commander-in-chief, and on April 4 he comes face to face with Dumouriez himself and those accompanying him. Wanting to punish the traitor, Davout orders to open fire, but by pure chance and the negligence of the soldiers, Dumouriez manages to escape.
On May 1, 1793, in gratitude for his participation in suppressing the Dumouriez plot, Davout was promoted to the rank of colonel.
Davout had to participate not only in battles, but also in political battles, which seemed even more dangerous. In this sense, one episode that occurred in April 1793 is indicative. During dinner, to which Davout was invited by General Dampierre, a conversation took place during which Louis Nicolas spoke extremely harshly about the Jacobins, as well as their leaders Robespierre and Marat. Regarding their political opponents, the Girondins, he, on the contrary, had the highest opinion. At the same dinner, two informants of the Minister of War were present, who provoked Davout into a frank conversation. During the dispute, they “suddenly” remembered that back in 1790, none other than Marat and Robespierre came out in his defense when the command of the Champagne Regiment tried to “deal with” him. They accused Louis Nicolas of ingratitude and unreliability, which was almost tantamount to treason. Dove had to explain himself. “Then,” he said, “I refused to serve the plans of the king who was my benefactor. Now, for the same reason, I refuse to go into the service of the Jacobins and support their plans, which seem disastrous to me.” 11 .
To make such a statement one had to have enormous personal courage. Despite such harsh statements addressed to the Jacobin government, the revolutionary government leaves Davout free, but sends him “for re-education” to the Vendee to pacify the rebellion. Participating in the civil war in the Vendee, Louis Nicolas shows personal courage and, more importantly, talents in command and control, for which he receives the rank of brigadier general. Less than two weeks pass before Davout is again promoted to the rank of division general, and he is ordered to return to the Army of the North.
But instead of going to his new destination, Davout went to Paris to refuse the rank of division general assigned to him on July 30, 1793. He motivates his refusal of another promotion by his youth and little experience in business.
However, Davout did not stop there. On August 29, 1793, he submitted his resignation and went to his mother in Ravier. The reason is the reluctance to serve in the army, where Jacobin commissars dominate with all their might, who evaluate people not by their abilities, but solely by their political views and fanatical commitment to the government of Robespierre. A letter to Davout, written by him at the beginning of 1794, has been preserved, in which there are the following lines: “Should we be subject to tyranny of any kind, such as the tyranny of a committee (Referring to the Committee of Public Safety) or a club?.. Why can all non-French people witness the brotherhood and republican virtues that reign in our bivouacs: here we have no robbers, but don’t we have them in abundance at home?” 12
This letter undoubtedly indicates that Davout's departure from the army was his conscious choice.
Revolutionary events, albeit small, but participation in the civil war in the Vendee led to the fact that Davout had a persistent aversion to the revolution, which brought only chaos, anarchy and lawlessness at the state level.
Until October 1794, Davout was out of work. He spent all this time in his mother's house, in Ravier. As usual, Louis Nicolas is intensively engaged in self-education. He reads avidly. Perhaps this is due to his nearsightedness, which forced him to wear glasses from time to time. Moreover, unlike many other military leaders of the French army, he did not hesitate to do this in public.
The holiday in Ravier, however, turned out to be short-lived, since with his views he could not help but fall under the suspicion of the Jacobin government. Soon after his arrival in Ravières, his mother was arrested and taken to Auxerre (Auxerre). As Louis Nicolas later learned, his mother corresponded with the La Rochefoucauld family, who entrusted her with some valuables for safekeeping before leaving France, which were the subject of their correspondence. To save his mother from reprisal, he returned to the house at night, found all these incriminating letters and burned them. The court, having no convincing evidence of Marie-Adelaide's crime, was forced to release her. However, the misadventures of Davout and his mother did not end. In April 1794, Marie-Adelaide was arrested again and spent several months in prison. Davout himself was also arrested and imprisoned. Only the overthrow of Robespierre and his government on 9 Thermidor brings the release of Davout and his mother.
After 9 Thermidor, Davout was restored to his post and sent to the so-called Rhine-Mosel Army. Participating in the siege of Luxembourg, Davout and his cavalrymen made a daring raid behind the Austrians, capturing a very important point that supplied the besieged with food.
A little later, Davout's brigade takes part in the siege of Mainz. In mid-May 1795, Davout's unit took part in the battles that took place south of Mannheim.
Fate more than once brings Brigadier General Davout together with General Marceau, who received the nickname “the lion of the French army” from his contemporaries. Davout and Marceau become such close friends that Louis Nicolas even planned to arrange the marriage of his sister Julie, marrying her to his friend. Only the unexpected death of Marceau in the fall of next year upset all these plans.
During the battles near Mannheim, the unit in which Davout served was surrounded and forced to lay down arms in front of the Austrians. This happened on November 21, 1795. By a happy coincidence for Louis Nicolas, the victorious Austrians were commanded by General Wurmser, who knew Louis Nicolas' uncle Jacques-Edmé d'Avoux well. Having learned that his nephew had been captured, Wurmser wanted to see him, and after a short conversation, as a sign respect for his old friend, he released Davout to France, making him promise not to take part in hostilities.
Only in November 1796, after an exchange of prisoners, Davout returned to the Rhine-Moselle Army, now commanded by General Bernonville. True, Davout was not destined to participate in active hostilities for long. Already on October 9, 1796, Bernonville concluded a truce with the Austrians, which lasted until the spring of the following year.
French troops crossed the Rhine, and in the battles near Diersheim - April 20-21, 1797 - Davout showed his best side. Even General Vandamme - that distrustful and stingy warrior - paid tribute to General Dove in his report. The future marshal demonstrated brilliant abilities as a commander: self-control and professionalism.
The Directory, in a letter to Davout dated May 24, noted the general’s great services to the Republic, his decisive and skillful actions in the battles on the Rhine, and that he “earned the respect and gratitude of the entire French people.” 13 .
Here, on the Rhine, Davout became friends with General Desaix, who, according to Napoleon, possessed “to the highest degree that indifference that is so necessary for a great commander - a balance of mind, character or courage.” 14 .
The fates of Davout and Desaix were similar in many ways. Like Davout, Desaix came from an ancient and noble noble family; like Louis Nicolas, he graduated from the military school in Effia even before the revolution, i.e. was a professional military man; During the revolution, Desaix broke with his class once and for all. In the fall of 1793, by order of the Jacobin Committee of Public Safety, Desaix was dismissed and returned to the army only thanks to the petition of General Pichegru, who, in turn, was patronized by the powerful Saint-Just. Despite all his military achievements, he was extremely modest. “It was the Bayard of the army. A skilled warrior without fear or reproach,” Segur said about him. He was similar to Davout even in that, as Napoleon testifies, he was “always casually dressed.” Contemporaries who wrote about Davout also unanimously noted that Louis Nicolas “was the most unpleasant person, the dirtiest in appearance that you can ever meet. “This struck me so extraordinarily,” wrote the Duchess d’Abrantes, “that, despite all the good will to be polite to my husband’s friend, I could not help but express my amazement ... at the sight of boots, dirty even in summer (he was probably walking on some kind of some stream, and this could have happened to him even at noon, because he did not see clearly), when looking at his hands, small and white, but with nails in half-mourning, matching a dirty, worn-out flannel vest.” 15 .
Of course, it cannot be said that these two people were alike in everything. Not at all. For example, Louis Desaix was completely uncharacteristic of the rude tone that Davout sometimes allowed himself in relation to his subordinates or people equal to him in rank...
Friendship with Desaix soon radically changed the life of General Davout. It was Desaix who would introduce Davout to General Bonaparte when the latter was recruiting intelligent officers for the upcoming expedition to Egypt. It was Desaix who would insist that Napoleon, on whom Davout did not make any impression at first, took him on the Egyptian campaign. Perhaps Davout himself, after meeting Bonaparte, did not experience the feelings that some historians attributed to him, since, according to some contemporaries, Davout was part of the cohort of those who opposed Bonaparte.
One way or another, Bonaparte took Davout with him to Egypt. Both of these people looked closely at each other at first, so it is not surprising that Napoleon does not give Louis Nicolas any command.
After the capture of Alexandria, Davout was appointed commander of the cavalry in the Dezais division. It was in this capacity that he took part in the famous Battle of the Pyramids, near Cyrus, on July 21, 1798, which ended in the defeat of the Mamluks and strengthened the French conquest of Lower Egypt.
Davout earned Bonaparte's first gratitude after he brilliantly reorganized the French cavalry. In his order of the day dated October 10, 1798, Bonaparte wrote: “The Commander-in-Chief wishes to give Brigadier General Dove a certificate of satisfaction to the government for the service he has performed in the armies of the Republic.” 16 .
Since the fall of 1798, together with Deze Davout, he has participated in the conquest of Upper Egypt and the destruction of the troops of Murad Bey, the most persistent enemy of the French in Egypt. However, Davout has to conduct not only battles with the Mamelukes, but also conduct punitive expeditions against the rebellious population. For his successes in the battles against Murad Bey and for suppressing the uprising in Lower Egypt, Davout received the rank of division general.
Upon Napoleon's return to Egypt from Syria, Davout took part in the Battle of Aboukir. True, to be precise, during almost the entire battle he is in the rear, leading the reserve. But Davout is not satisfied with the role of a simple spectator. He asks for a meeting with the commander-in-chief. The meeting took place, however, there is no evidence of what these two people talked about. However, one thing is clear, it was after this conversation that Davout becomes “Bonaparte’s man,” a man infinitely devoted to him.
After a conversation with Napoleon, Davout takes an active part in the final stage of the battle of Abukir. During one of the fights, he almost lost his life.
The notes of the chief of staff of the French army, General Berthier, about Davout’s actions say the following: “On the 12th (July 25th, new style) General Davout was in the trenches: he separated all the houses in which the enemy had an apartment, and from here he rushed into the fort, after which he killed many... the success of this day, which accelerated the surrender of the fort, belongs to the excellent orders of General Davout.” 17 .
When Napoleon returns to France, leaving the army in Egypt, Davout does not fall into the relatively narrow circle of people from Bonaparte’s inner circle whom he takes with him.
Louis Nicolas remained in Egypt and received the post of military governor of three provinces - Beni Suef, El Fayum, El Miniya in the central part of the country.
During negotiations with the British and Turks, which were started by Bonaparte's successor General Kleber, about the French evacuation of Egypt, Davout is Kleber's staunch opponent on this issue. He declares that without an order from Paris there can be no question of a complete evacuation of Egypt. Nevertheless, the El Arish Agreement was signed.
Not wanting to stay with Kleber any longer, Davout demands permission to leave the army and return to France as soon as possible. Desaix asks for similar permission. Kleber, although upset by this, satisfied these requests.
Soon after sailing, Desaix and Davout fall into the hands of the British, from whose lips they learn that the English government refused to ratify the El-Arish Agreement, and therefore they are prisoners of war. They spent almost a month in English captivity.
Having learned about Davout’s return to France, Napoleon, by that time already the First Consul and head of the French government, immediately sent him a letter of very flattering content: “I was pleased to learn, citizen, that you have arrived in Toulon. Campaign (Referring to the campaign in Italy in 1800) it has just begun; we need people with your talents. You can be sure that I have not forgotten the services you rendered us under Abukir and in Upper Egypt. When your quarantine is over, come to Paris" 18 .
However, instead of rushing to Paris, Davout goes to his mother in Ravier. He appears in Paris only at the beginning of July 1800.
“What is the reason for Davout’s strange “sluggishness”? Why, like Desa (who at the decisive moment of the Battle of Marengo on June 14, 1800, with his troops, came to the aid of the army of the First Consul and found a glorious death on the battlefield), did he not immediately go to the Apennines? Perhaps it would be most correct to explain this by the fact that Davout was offended by Bonaparte, who abandoned him as an unnecessary, worthless thing in Egypt. A man who was undoubtedly proud and, like all proud people, touchy, Louis Nicolas could well have experienced feelings for Napoleon at that time that were very far from gratitude. Davout's desire to faithfully serve the man who without hesitation left him in the Egyptian mousetrap must have diminished noticeably in the months that had elapsed since Napoleon's departure from Egypt. In captivity by the British in Livorno, Louis Nicolas had enough time to think carefully about all this ... " 19
In July 1800, Davout was appointed commander of the cavalry of the Italian Army. Participating in hostilities against the Austrians, he distinguished himself at the Battle of Pozzolo. Laura d’Abrantes writes about Davout’s participation in this battle: “General Davout decided the victory with an excellent cavalry attack.” 20 .
After concluding a peace treaty with Austria, Davout oversaw the Austrian evacuation of the fortress of Mantua and the withdrawal of Austrian troops from a number of other settlements in the Apennines designated in the Treaty of Luneville. After this, he reorganizes the cavalry of the French-allied Cisalpine Republic.
In June 1801, Davout was summoned to Paris and on July 24 he was appointed inspector general of cavalry, supervising the cavalry units of the 1st, 14th, 15th and 16th military districts. As Napoleon’s secretary Bourrienne recalled, not without surprise, “this man (Davout) ... without any famous exploits, without any rights, suddenly fell into the greatest favor.” 21 .

Napoleon, who loved to marry his comrades, chose a bride for Davout and married him to a pupil of Madame Campan's boarding school - Louise-Aimé-Julie Leclerc. According to Madame Ducret, “beautiful as an angel, she was simple, modest and indulgent.” Considering the fact that General Leclerc himself was Napoleon's son-in-law, Louise-Aimé-Julie was known as an enviable bride. The wedding between Louis Nicolas and Louise-Aimé-Julie took place on November 9, 1801 in Paris. Moreover, at the wedding, in addition to Napoleon, who signed the wedding contract, all other members of the First Consul’s family who were in the capital at that time were present.

November 28, 1801, Bonaparte appoints Davout commander of the foot grenadiers of the Consular Guard. On this occasion, Bonaparte’s secretary Bourrienne wrote: “... flattering the First Consul’s plans for the East, Davout, upon his return from Egypt in 1800, after the Treaty of El Arish, came into his favor and, if not deserved, then at least acquired his favor, because in this era Davout did not yet have any rights to the rapid promotion and elevation he received. Without any gradual steps, he was made the chief commander of the Grenadiers of the Consular Guard. From that day on, the hatred that Davout had for me began: surprised by Napoleon’s lengthy conversation with him, I immediately said to the First Consul after his departure: “How can you stay for so long with a man whom you yourself have always called a brute? – I didn’t know him; he is worth much more than what is rumored about him..." 22 .

Of the eight children born to the Davout couple, four lived no more than a year, and their beloved daughter Josephine was only 16 years old. It was this blow of fate that significantly crippled the forces of the “Iron Marshal”. Princess Ekmulskaya survived her husband by forty-five years. During the years of the Second Empire, she remained one of the few witnesses to the splendor of the past era.
The marshal had no direct heirs in the male line. Therefore, in 1864, Napoleon III transferred the title of Duke of Auerstedt to his nephew Davout. It is along this line that the ancient Burgundian family continues to this day. Moreover, only the head of the family bears the surname Davout (now this is also a kind of title), the rest are still called d’Avout 23 .
In 1803, when intensive preparations were underway for a landing on the British Isles, Davout received under his command the 3rd Army Corps, located in the so-called Boulogne camp. In this new position, Davout displays truly boundless energy and conscientiousness, diligently drilling the soldiers, leaving nothing to chance. He keeps an eye on everything and everyone; it seemed there wasn’t a single little thing that he didn’t delve into. Davout attaches particular importance to training soldiers and supplying them with everything necessary. It was Louis Nicolas's constant attention to the needs of the soldier that prompted Baron Dedem to write in his memoirs that “he (Davout) was always a real father to his army.” 24 . Shimanovsky echoes General Dedem: “He severely punished robbery and forced the perpetrators to be shot. However, on the other hand, Davout was scrupulous in ensuring that every soldier had the necessary amount of food..." 25 Marmont, who speaks very harshly in his memoirs about Davout, writes: “A fanatic of order, maintaining discipline in his troops, approaching their needs with care, he was fair, but harsh towards the officers and did not win their love.” 26 .
Therefore, the statements of some historians that Davout was “merciless towards his soldiers” sound somewhat ridiculous.
An incident dates back to this time in which Davout, according to the Duchess d'Abrantes, plays an excellent role: “At that time there was in the Bruges camp a man known to everyone ... for his beautiful curls and the appearance of Murat, whom he tried to imitate in clothes and actions and in circulation: this is General d'Arsenne. Then he was a colonel of an infantry regiment, playing the role of a charming, charming one; but was he kind? This is another matter. Colonel d'Arsenne rose very quickly, fought well because he was brave and, curling his hair, which he did not manage himself, forgot about his brother, the poor gendarme. And this brother raised him, taught him to read and was his second father. - Brother! - he told him when the young man joined the regiment... - You have nothing; but I gave you good, good rules; be honest, think about our father and don’t forget me. The young man set off... he never remembered his poor brother, the gendarme, as if he had never existed. The brother died, and in the greatest poverty, which only increased for his widow and the two small children left behind him. Before his death, he wrote a touching letter to his brother-colonel and entrusted his children to him. The widow was waiting for an answer; he didn't come. She wrote it herself: the same silence. She was a mother; she saw her children dying of hunger, inquired where the twenty-second regiment, commanded by d'Arsenne, was, and, taking her children by the hands, went with them on foot to the Bruges camp... Arriving in Ostend, the poor woman asks for Colonel d'Arsenne's apartment Arsenna. She was covered in rags, a beggar; the servants drove her away. She cried and said that she was the colonel’s sister: they drove her away with even greater rudeness. The strangeness of this incident caused one of the servants to tell his master about it. The colonel frowned, remembered that he definitely had a brother, but ordered his servants to throw out the door the slut who dared to take the name of his daughter-in-law.
Then in the Bruges camp there was a certain Florenville, the head of the gendarmerie squadron: he, as they say, kept order in the camp and in its surroundings. D'Arsenne came to him and said that his brother had a mistress, an impudent woman, who, now taking advantage of her position as a colonel, came to him; that's why he asks to send her away. Florenville, without inquiring whether this was true, promised to fulfill the colonel’s request, and the poor woman received an order that same evening to leave the Bruges camp, for fear of going to prison. The poor woman, in despair from her poverty and from such a barbaric act, told her story to some kind people. The story was short and touching; everything turned out to be fair in her. Her papers were genuine: a marriage contract and the death certificate of the poor gendarme. Someone advised her to contact the Marshal (Davout). “He is rude, but fair,” they told her, “he will force you to do justice.” - ... The Marshal received at the same time both the widow’s request and proof of the justice of her demands. He invited all the colonels of the division where d’Arsenne served to dinner; and this, it seems, was Oudinot’s division. There were 25 people at the table. At the beginning of dinner, as usual, deep silence reigned; suddenly the marshal turned to d’Arsenne: “Colonel! Did you have a brother? The colonel was speechless by this question and especially by the expression with which it was made. - “General...” - “Yes, yes, you had a brother... a kind man... who raised you, sir... taught you to read... in a word, was worthy of respect... Here is his widow...” - “General! She's an adventurer." - “Be silent, dear sir!.. I’m not interrogating you... I’m telling you that your brother’s widow, your daughter-in-law, sir, is waiting for you here, in the greatest poverty... And you dared to drive her away like a whore!.. This is dishonorable, dear sir... I saw her marriage contract, I saw all the evidence... they are legal, genuine... Your act in this case is terrible, Colonel d'Arsenne! The colonel looked at his plate and, to tell the truth, could not do anything better... The man, struck by the powerful words that announced his shame, was pitiful... “Mr. Colonel! - said Marshal Davout. “You must make amends for your wrongdoing and immediately.” You will give your daughter-in-law a pension of one thousand two hundred francs. I promised her this in your name and gave a fourth of the amount in advance: I ask you to return it to me.” “The marshal leaned over, looking at the colonel: “You will take care of your nephews. I take upon myself to ask the emperor to place them in school... And you, dear sir, remember to fulfill all the conditions that I proposed to you... otherwise I will tell the whole incident to the emperor... You can guess whether he will like it.” D’Arsenne was obedient... He awarded his daughter-in-law a pension without insulting her any more and everything was settled.” 27 .
Not only Napoleon, but also the Minister of War, General Berthier, was pleased with Davout’s activities. In his letter to Davout, he writes: “The army you command, citizen general, lives up to the government’s expectations. I saw... your devotion to the First Consul and your tireless zeal, shared by both officers and privates..." 28 .
At the beginning of December 1803, the Order of the Legion of Honor, the highest state order of France, was established, and on the 12th, Grand Chancellor Lacepede wrote to Davout: “The Supreme Council of the Legion of Honor has just appointed you a member of this Legion. It is with pleasure that I hasten to inform you, citizen general, of this sign of respect from the Supreme Council and gratitude from the state.” 29 .
On May 18, 1804, France was proclaimed an Empire, and Napoleon was declared Emperor of the French. The next day, having restored the title of Marshal of France, the Emperor presented the marshal's baton to 18 French generals at once. One of those receiving this new distinction is Divisional General Louis Nicolas Davout.
On May 1, 1804, Davout writes a letter to the First Consul, in which he talks about the mood in the army regarding the proposed title of emperor and asks him to accept this title: “Citizen First Consul ... The army wishes you to accept the title of Emperor of the French (Emperor of the Gauls). This is more a guarantee of our happy future than an honor for you personally. Your name alone is louder than all the titles ever given to those in power. But insofar as you lead a great and brave nation, you must accept the title that belongs to the sovereigns of the most powerful nations... You will take away all hopes from the Bourbons, who have neither virtue nor glory.” 30 .
Having received the rank of marshal, Davout simultaneously took the post of president of the college of voters of the department of Yonne.
Having secured the support of Austria and Russia, England forced Napoleon to abandon his daring plan to invade the British Isles. Instead of a grandiose landing operation, the soldiers of the Grand Army faced a march to the east. According to Dunn-Pattison, "the campaign of 1805 gave the marshal the first opportunity to lead large units of all branches of the army and ... confirm that Napoleon was right in deeming him worthy of the marshal's baton." 31 .
Davout himself, apparently, is pleased with the result achieved by tireless, almost two years of drilling in the Bruges camp and during the campaign that began. In a report to the Minister of War dated September 26, 1805, he reported: “The troops are arriving in excellent spirits, and the best proof of this is the presence of a small number of deserters; they are not at all as tired (of the march) as expected.” 32 .

After the surrender of Mack's army near Ulm, French troops moved against Kutuzov's Russian army. During this forced march, Davout had to endure a stubborn battle with the Austrians near Marienzell (November 8), as a result of which the enemy was defeated and the remnants of the Austrian corps fled from the battlefield.
Without stopping in Vienna, Napoleon with the main forces followed the retreating Russian-Austrian army to Brunn, where one of Napoleon's most famous battles took place on the hilly terrain near the village of Austerlitz. About to give battle, Napoleon sent orders to Bernadotte and Davout, guarding the communications of the Grand Army, to urgently arrive with their forces to the battlefield. Despite the roads muddy from incessant rains, having covered 140 km in just 50 hours, the troops of the 3rd Corps joined the main forces of the Grand Army on the very eve of the battle.
During the battle, Davout's troops, who led the right flank, pinned down the main forces of the enemy, thereby giving Napoleon the opportunity to deliver the main blow to the dominant Pratsen heights, which were captured by the troops of Marshal Soult. After this, a blow was struck to the rear of the left-flank group of the allied army, which was supported by Davout’s troops. Before throwing the regiments of his corps into a counterattack, Corporal Jean-Pierre Blaise, a participant in the Battle of Austerlitz, recalled, “Marshal Davout, who did not leave his place, although the enemy cannonballs began to seriously disturb us, reminded us of the case at Marienzell.” 33 . Assessing the performance of his troops in the battle, Davout wrote in his report: “For most of the day I had to fight both in the center of my positions and on my flanks with extremely strong columns (of the enemy). All units maneuvered, maintaining complete composure, despite the fierce fire of the enemy, and repeatedly engaged the enemy ... " 34 .
In his letter to his wife, the marshal described the results of the battle as follows: “The Russians intended to defeat the Emperor... and attacked us... But the victory remained true to our sovereign; never has it been so complete; the entire Russian army was destroyed, its artillery fell into our hands. They (Russians - S.Z.) fought with bitterness; they left us 15 thousand of their soldiers, who surrendered: the rest of the troops were scattered... Thus, there are no longer any obstacles to concluding peace.” 35 .
And indeed, peace negotiations soon began, and at the end of December the agreement was finally concluded in Pressburg.
However, the real “finest hour” for Davout was the 1806 campaign with its culmination - the battle of Auerstedt, which glorified the “iron marshal” and became, according to Voensky, “the crown of his military glory.” 36 . Near Auerstedt, Davout's 27,000-strong corps came face to face with the main Prussian army, the strength of which is estimated differently - from 54 to 70 thousand people. “The French, outnumbered by the Prussians, formed a square, and throughout the entire day, while Napoleon and the other marshals were crushing the Prussians near Jena, Davout... galloped from square to square, urging his soldiers to hold firm until help arrived.
More than once or twice, the Prussian cavalry and infantry tried to overthrow the French, but the staunch ranks of Davout’s veterans successfully repelled every attack. In the end, the Prussians stopped their attacks, turned their backs on this stubborn man and his immovable squares and hurried in a northerly direction." 37 .
“Auerstedt is one of the few defensive battles that turned into an offensive battle, in which the numerically weaker enemy defeated the strongest (at least twice as strong) enemy.” 38 .
The fifth bulletin of the Grande Armée, dated October 15, 1806, says about Davout and his soldiers: “On our right flank, Marshal Davout’s corps worked miracles; he not only held out, but also fought... with the main enemy army, which was supposed to reach Közen. This marshal showed extraordinary courage and tenacity of character - the first-class qualities of a military man. He was assisted by generals Gudin, Friant, Moran, Doltan - the chief of staff, as well as the army corps, which was unusually fearless in its courage.” 39 .
“His firmness and unshakable will,” wrote the Duchess d’Abrantes, “decided the victory, long disputed by Kalkreuth and Blücher... It seems certain,” she continues, “that the true glory of this day belongs to Marshal Dove.” 40 .
Constantly in the thick of battle, inspiring his soldiers, Davout shouted to them: “The Great Frederick assured that God gives victory to large battalions, but he lied; Only the most persistent win, and you and your commander are just one of them!” 41
“Marshal Davout attacked (the enemy),” Savary wrote, “with fewer forces, in a ratio of one to four... He was able to keep his people on the battlefield only by appearing everywhere in person... The glory that he gained on that day... Davout owed his the greatest valor and trust that he inspired in his troops..." 42 .
In a letter to Murat, Napoleon enthusiastically wrote: “Marshal Davout gave an excellent battle, he alone defeated 60 thousand Prussians.” 43 .
After Auerstedt there was a complete change in public opinion towards Dove. Segur writes the following about this: “An honest, decent and neat man, Davout, no matter how well he had served before and, despite the rank of marshal to which he had risen, was still little known. It seemed that the emperor rewarded him more for personal service and personal devotion than for glory. that was the opinion about him. But on the glorious day of Auerstedt, Davout fully demonstrated his genius and his tenacity, and did not miss the opportunity presented to him. He justified the emperor’s choice and, being little known until that time, became famous.” 44 .
When Napoleon once again, in the presence of Davout, praised the soldiers of the 3rd Corps and their commander, he heard in response: “Sir, we are your tenth legion. Always and everywhere we will be for you what the tenth legion was for Caesar." 45 .
After Auerstedt, Davout's divisional commanders - Generals Gudin, Friant and Morand - received the nickname "immortals" in the Grand Army.
Proof of the “respect and gratitude” for the merits of the 3rd Corps and Marshal Davout himself is the fact that when units of the Grand Army triumphantly enter Berlin, their procession is led by the victors of Auerstedt.
However, hostilities did not end with victory at Jena and Auerstedt. The Russian troops stationed in Poland still had to be defeated.
As before, in the campaign of 1807, Davout commanded the 3rd Corps of the Grand Army, and took part in the battle of Charnovo, Golymin and Heilsberg. In the bloody battle with the Russians at Preussisch-Eylau, Davout’s troops played one of the key roles, not only saving the French army from the defeat that hung over it after the destruction of Augereau’s corps, but also with their actions they brought down the entire left flank of the Russian army, cutting off communications. However, not supported in time by Ney, Davout was forced to retreat under the attack of the approaching fresh forces of Lestocq. Now Davout's position has become dangerous. Neither Ney nor Bernadotte approached, and where they are is unknown. The “Iron Marshal” understands that now the only way out is to hold on at all costs. Never allowing emotions to prevail over him, Davout this time breaks out into a cry: “The brave ones will find a glorious death here, and the cowards will go to the deserts of Siberia!” 46 Now, in fact, his soldiers will not retreat a single step.
In his letter to his wife, the marshal wrote that the battle of February 8 was not like the battles of other campaigns; that the battle, which involved 100 thousand people, did not produce tangible results. “The Emperor, my dear Aimee,” continued Davout, “has spoiled us with his miracles; this day he maneuvered well enough to hope for a result, but storms, very large obstacles and fate decided everything differently. This battle should have been won, but success was limited..." 47
A week after the signing of the Treaty of Peace and Friendship between France and Russia in Tilsit, Davout was appointed Governor-General of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw created by Napoleon. “... Napoleon, who knew his marshals very well, appointed him (Davout) governor of Warsaw,” recalled Countess Anna Potocka, “because he was quite confident in his devotion and morality... The marshal received orders to treat us (i.e., the Poles) as best he could.” as gently as possible, to support our hopes and entertain us..." 48 .
In his post, Davout proved himself not only as an outstanding organizer, but also as a politician. His views on Polish affairs differed in many ways from Napoleon's. The marshal advises the emperor to actually announce to the Poles that France guarantees them the restoration of national independence. This, in his opinion, is the most effective means of attracting all patriotic Poles to Napoleon’s banner. Davout's sympathies for the middle class in Poland and his distrust of the Polish aristocracy grew stronger. While Napoleon showed less and less enthusiasm for Polish independence, Davout continued to be its supporter. Unable to influence many of Napoleon's actions, the “iron marshal” argued that “an ally is more valuable than a slave.”
The first French residents in the Duchy of Warsaw, as well as Davout, being the commander-in-chief of the French troops, sought to support the so-called Polish radicals, or, as they were called, “Jacobins” - Zajonczko, Shaniawski and others. Davout convinced the emperor of the advisability of relying on them. On October 9, he even composed a special note for Napoleon, in which, with his characteristic frankness, he wrote to the emperor that he should not count on the sincere support of the Polish aristocracy, since this class would sell France at the first opportunity. Davout emphasized that the aristocrats would not want to part with their privileges, and, therefore, their eyes were turned not to France, but to Russia. Davout noted in his note to the emperor that it was these middle strata that supported the French revolution, served in Italy, and it was from them that the French army in Poland saw help “when the doors of the palaces were closed.” 49 . It is not for nothing that one of the Russian agents Chernyshev, characterizing Davout, calls him this way: “... a zealous supporter of the Poles, he is a great enemy of the Russians.” 50 .
Marshal Davout correctly understood the mood of the Poles, understood their aspirations, he precisely determined in that atmosphere on whom they could accurately and with full justification rely. That is why he had enormous influence in Poland and had the support of the majority of the population. But Davout did not understand one thing: he did not understand that Napoleon’s views on this and other issues had already undergone significant evolution, and the Napoleonic wars radically changed their social and political content. He did not understand that General Bonaparte had left, and that now there was only Emperor Napoleon.
As governor of the duchy, Davout was in constant contact with the Polish government, which the marshal constantly criticized for its poor organization and functioning. His criticism of the "stupid government" of the Duchy of Warsaw reached its peak by the summer of 1808. In September, the marshal wrote to Napoleon: “I must not hide from Your Majesty the fact that no matter how beautiful the government’s promises ... this government has neither the means, nor the authority, nor the will. It does not want to do anything without consulting the cabinet of the King of Saxony and is not responsible for anything." 51 . The next day, Davout wrote: “It is difficult to imagine the state of disorganization of this country. Not only parliament, but even simple commissions are not subordinate to anyone. Arbitrariness reigns, which leads to outrages that will reach their peak and become unbearable..." 52 . In mid-June, the marshal writes: “I will do everything I can to maintain my patience while remaining cool... I realize that, despite the difficulties, this is absolutely necessary in a country where nothing is organized and where it is unlikely that anything will happen.” organized" 53 .
Napoleon, apparently, was quite satisfied with Davout's activities in the duchy. On March 28, 1808, the emperor granted the marshal the title of Duke of Auerstedt. In addition, the emperor presents the newly created duke with monetary awards. “It is necessary that I give him this,” the emperor said to Count Narbonne, “... because he will not take anything for himself.” 54 . As a result, Davout's income reaches one million francs per year. When someone remarked to Napoleon that he was rewarding Davout more than royally, the emperor replied: “Yes, I gave Davout a lot, but because he himself does not take or ask for anything.” 55 .
True, Abbé de Pradt in his memoirs calls Davout’s actions in Poland as ruthless and repressive and says that the marshal “filled Poland with fear and disgraced the name of the Frenchman.” Let us leave these reasonings of the abbot to his conscience, especially since Polish historians call Davout a friend of the Poles.
At the beginning of the Austrian campaign of 1809, Davout, despite the critical situation, managed to withdraw his entire corps from Regensburg from under attack. During this difficult march, the Duke of Auerstedt defeats the Austrians at Teign. In the following days, April 21-22, his troops, consisting of two divisions, repelled the advance of the main forces of the Austrian army at Eckmühl. In reports to Napoleon, the marshal reported: “The entire enemy army is in front of me and the battle is very lively. I hold my positions and hope to maintain them, but the troops are very tired, and the enemy artillery is three times greater than mine." 69 . Davout's simple and restrained words concealed the desperate tension with which the French had to repel enemy attacks. Despite the lack of strength, Davout did not limit himself to defense. With a series of successful counterattacks, he stopped the Austrians at some points and even forced them to retreat. In the second half of April 22, Napoleon approached Eckmühl with the main forces of the army and drove the enemy back to Regensburg, which was taken by storm the next day.
Having noted Davout's merits in the Battle of Eckmühl on April 20-22, 1809, Napoleon granted him a new distinction - the title of Prince of Eckmühl.
Davout's corps does not take a direct part in the battle of Aspern-Essling. However, largely thanks to the actions of the “iron marshal”, Napoleon manages to avoid complete disaster. When the pontoon bridge, along which reinforcements went to the corps of Masséna and Lannes, who were heavily fighting, was once again destroyed by the Austrians, Davout organized a small flotilla of boats, with the help of which the emperor was able to continue the transfer of ammunition and reinforcements. As Delderfield writes, “Davout, who was about to begin the crossing just as the bridge collapsed, organized impromptu shuttles, sending every keg of gunpowder and every bullet he could lay his hand on to the other side.” 57 .
In the Battle of Wagram, Davout's troops were assigned an important role - to break the resistance of the left wing of the Austrian army, which occupied a very strong position on the Wagram Hill. In addition, the marshal was entrusted with keeping an eye on the situation on the right flank of the French army, where it was quite likely that the troops of Archduke John would appear, coming to the aid of the main Austrian army. On the eve of the battle, Napoleon said, addressing his retinue: “You will see, Davout will win this battle for me too!” 58
The Duke of Auerstedt brilliantly completed the task entrusted to him. During the battle, a horse is killed under him; General Gudin, who was next to Davout, received four wounds. Having broken the resistance of the left wing of the Austrians, commanded by Rosenberg, Davout entered Wagram in battle, threatening the rear of the Austrian army. Meanwhile, the crushing blow of MacDonald's "column" destroyed all chances of Archduke Charles for a more favorable outcome of the entire battle.
After the war with Austria, Davout was appointed governor of the Hanseatic cities and commander of the occupation army in Germany. Its competence includes the strict enforcement of the continental blockade and strict supervision over most of the territory of Prussia. For German cities it was a time of strict censorship and restrictions. For the Germans, Davout became a symbol of extraordinary severity, for which he was nicknamed “Marshall Wuth” in Germany. (“The Fierce Marshal” (German)) and "Robespierre of Hamburg". About the hated Davout in 1813-1814. a whole series of brochures was published in which he was described as a monster, a monster to whom everything human is alien. True, in fairness, it must be said that most of these lampoons contained more lies and fictitious stories than the truth.
Davout was convinced that the continental blockade was a deadly weapon against England, and that it was only a matter of conscientious and accurate execution of the emperor’s plans. He wrote about this to General Friant: “... The decrees of His Majesty must be carried out without exception by everyone, mainly by his soldiers. Long ago the English would have been forced to peace if all the agents who are obliged to carry out the orders of our sovereign had been executory. Unfortunately, corruption leads to non-compliance with these orders... I will not hide that there are still a large number of goods that were not declared; continue your activities with all rigor..." 59 .
In the mind of this stern soldier, even the following concept had formed: the time had come to take revenge on English trade for all the troubles that Cromwell had once caused to French trade: “Starting with Cromwell, the British have relied on the destruction of our maritime trade; they started it even before they declared war on us. They destroyed thousands of families who were not involved in government disputes. We must use our power on the continent to take revenge; this is the only way to force them to abandon forever this injustice at sea ... " 60 .
In the outbreak of the war against Russia, Davout commanded the 1st Army Corps of the Grand Army, numbering, according to various estimates, 69-72 thousand people. Acting against Bagration's army, Davout blocked the Russians' path at Mogilev and, during a stubborn battle, did not allow Bagration to connect with Barclay's army through Mogilev. However, despite this, the two Russian armies still managed to unite in Smolensk.
Subsequently, Davout took part in the assault on Smolensk and in the Battle of Borodino, in which his troops attacked the fortifications of the left flank of the Russian army. During the first attacks on the Semenov flushes, Prince Ekmulsky received a rather severe concussion and was unable to fully control the actions of his troops.
During the retreat from Moscow, Davout was assigned to command the rearguard of the Grand Army. Near Vyazma, his troops were surrounded, but thanks to the help of Eugene Beauharnais, Davout managed to break through the Russian troops, although the corps of Prince Ekmulsky suffered heavy losses. As Caulaincourt recalled in his memoirs: “Yesterday’s behavior of the 1st Corps set a bad example and made a bad and dangerous impression on all the troops.” 61 . Despite the defeat of the rearguard, the Russian participants in this battle praised the French. An active participant in the pursuit of the Grand Army, General Löwenstern wrote: “Davout and the Viceroy covered themselves with glory that day, but they suffered serious losses...” 62 . Prince Ekmulsky himself, describing the events at Vyazma, reported to Marshal Berthier: “On this day, order was restored on the march; but there are 4 thousand people belonging to different regiments of the army... when the enemy attacked, they scattered and sowed confusion in my columns.” 63 .
However, Napoleon was dissatisfied with the way Davout led the rearguard. According to Segur, the emperor complained about the marshal’s slowness, reproaching him for being 5 marches behind him, when he should have been only three behind him; he considered the marshal too much of a theorist to skillfully lead such an irregular campaign. Napoleon entrusted the rearguard to Ney.
In the battle near Krasny, the remnants of Davout’s corps had to once again break through the Russian troops, losing guns, soldiers, and convoys. This was the result of a completely incorrect interpretation of Kutuzov’s actions. As Jomini wrote, “Napoleon, retreating from Smolensk, preferred retreat in echelons to the movement of an entire army and at the same time made the more serious mistake that the enemy pursued him not from behind, but in a transverse direction, almost perpendicular to the middle of his separated corps. Three days of battle near Krasnoye, so disastrous for his army, were the result of this mistake.” 64 .
“The result of this mistake” was that Marshal Ney’s rearguard was cut off from the French army and he had practically no chance of salvation. However, Ney managed to find a way out of the critical situation: he crossed the Dnieper on thin ice and led the remnants of his detachment to Orsha to Napoleon. “Heated by the recent battle and upset by the dangers that threatened the honor of the army,” wrote Count Segur, “Ney placed all the blame on Davout, unfairly reproaching him for abandoning him. When, a few hours later, Davout wanted to apologize to Her (The fact is that back in Smolensk, Davout and Ney had a strong quarrel: the latter reproached Prince Ekmulsky for the fact that all the provisions were eaten by the troops of the 1st Corps. Davout responded sharply that the provisions were eaten by the previous troops. In general, on this issue they were never able to come to an agreement and, irritated with each other, went to their respective buildings), then he received in response only a stern look and the following words: “I, Mister Marshal, do not blame you for anything; God has seen everything, He will judge!” 65 .
Davout did not have much guilt in the critical situation in which Ney found himself. Moreover, Prince Ekmulsky sent him Napoleon’s orders and messages about the latest events, but Ney only replied to all this that “all the Russians in the world with their Cossacks will not prevent him from passing.” Despite this, both Napoleon and the chief of staff, Marshal Berthier, laid all the blame on him. As Caulaincourt wrote: “Napoleon and Berthier blamed the Prince of Eckmühl for the misfortune that everyone feared; they wanted to absolve themselves of the blame for allowing too much delay between the marches of the columns, i.e. for the fact that Ney was supposed to leave Smolensk as part of the rearguard only on November 17.” 66 .
At the end of the Russian campaign, after Napoleon had left for France, what was previously called the Grand Army was commanded by the King of Naples, Joachim Murat. In the Prussian town of Gumbinen, at a military council, a remarkable dialogue takes place between him and Davout. King Joachim, who convened the council, giving vent to his anger against the emperor, exclaimed: “You cannot serve a madman! - he shouted. - Because of him we cannot be saved; no European prince believes his words or his treaties anymore! If I had accepted the English offer, I would have been as great a sovereign as the Austrian Emperor or the Prussian King.” Davout’s exclamation stopped him: “The King of Prussia, the Emperor of Austria are sovereigns by the grace of God, and you, if you are a king, are solely by the grace of Napoleon and the shed French blood. Black ingratitude blinds you" 67 .
Davout immediately told Murat that he would report him to the emperor. Murat was embarrassed; he felt guilty. “Thus the first spark of treason was extinguished,” writes Segur, “which later destroyed France!”
At the very beginning of the 1813 campaign, Prince Eugene, who replaced Murat as commander-in-chief, instructs Davout to defend Dresden. There, however, the Prince of Ekmul only gets to stay for about ten days. The more than brief presence of Louis Nicolas in the Saxon capital was marked by the explosion of the Dresden Bridge. Many contemporaries called the explosion of the bridge a “barbaric action,” without even going into the essence of the matter. In “Letters of a Russian Officer” by F.N. Glinka it is said on this matter: “History will write his (Davout) name on a lead tablet next to the names of Herostratus and Omar.” 68 . The explosion of the bridge, or to be more precise and fair, only one part of it, was carried out out of military necessity in order to delay the rapid advance of the Allied forces. The marshal wrote about this more than once in his letters to both his relatives and Prince Eugene Beauharnais. In a letter to Napoleon dated March 14, 1813, Prince Eckmühl wrote: “... I notified the Saxon king that the Dresden Bridge will be destroyed only in case of military necessity.” 69 . March 15 Davout to the King of Saxony: “... As for the Dresden Bridge, I will do everything in my power to preserve it. However, in case of extreme military necessity, I will have to destroy one part of it to thwart the enemy's plans" 70 . On March 18, Prince Ekmulsky writes to Viceroy Eugene Beauharnais: “... At nine o’clock in the morning I will blow up the bridge. I will take this step because I have an order and military necessity requires it; This deeply upset the Saxon king and the inhabitants." 71 .
On February 24, 1813, an uprising against the French broke out in Hamburg, and on March 12, the head of the garrison, General Cara Saint-Cyr, was forced to evacuate the city.
Napoleon was enraged by the abandonment of Hamburg and sent Davout to suppress the uprising, believing that only such an unyielding warrior could do this. “... I want to retain Hamburg,” the emperor wrote to the marshal, “and not only in the event of indignation of the inhabitants or an attack by field troops, but even when an entire siege corps acts against it.” 72 .
On May 31, Davout's troops entered Hamburg. Despite the marshal's accusations of cruelty during the suppression of the rebellion, none of the residents and the main instigators of the rebellion were harmed, despite the emperor's order to severely punish the city. However, Davout took upon himself the responsibility not to carry out the emperor's most severe measures against the rebellious city. Even the Russian historian Bogdanovich admits the obvious fact that “the prosecution of those responsible for the uprising against the French government was rather weak. Several people were imprisoned, but the police searched so slowly that anyone who wanted to escape had enough time to do so.” 73 . Not only was virtually no one seriously injured, but Davout asked the Emperor to grant amnesty to Hamburg. In a letter to Napoleon dated June 20, 1813, the marshal wrote: “These people (residents of Hamburg - S.Z.) are hostile only because of self-interest, but they are not evil and do not need the strictest examples. I believe that it would be necessary, in the interests of Your Majesty, to punish these people only with money and consign the rest to oblivion." 74 .
There is no doubt that some of Davout's decisions displeased residents and were considered too harsh. However, let's not forget that, firstly, war and hostilities have never been a merciful activity and the first to suffer from wars at any time were civilians; secondly, all of Davout’s actions were subordinated to only one goal - to protect the territory of the Empire (and Hamburg was part of the French Empire) from all enemy attacks. For this purpose, Davout could use even the most severe and unpopular measures, which caused extreme dissatisfaction, and even even contempt for him with all sorts of, sometimes completely unfair, labels.
As Davout put it about the defense of Hamburg in 1813-1814. Desiree Lacroix, she became the true “peak of his military glory” 75 . For almost six months, the “iron marshal” fiercely defends this seaside city from all attacks from land and sea. As Lavisse and Rambaud noted in “History of the 19th Century,” “by the time the coalition triumphed, Davout was the only French commander who remained invincible and in full combat readiness.” 76 .
Napoleon on the island of St. Helena, when the conversation turned to the defense of Hamburg Davout, said that the inhabitants spoke of the marshal with disgust, but added that “when a general is entrusted with the defense of a city with orders to defend it under any circumstances, then in this case it is very difficult get approval from the residents.” Continuing this theme, the exiled emperor said: “I don’t think he has a bad reputation. He never took anything for himself. Of course, he imposed an indemnity (Napoleon imposed an indemnity on Hamburg and Lubeck in the amount of 52 million francs, and the marshal was only the executor of this order of the emperor), but all this was necessary for the needs of the army, especially the besieged ... " 77 .
During the time that Hamburg “defends” Davout, many events are happening in Europe. After Leipzig, Napoleon effectively lost control of Germany. From January 1, 1814, the war raged on the territory of France. The French campaign of 1814 ends with the entry of Allied troops into Paris (March 31, 1814) and Napoleon's abdication (April 6, 1814). On April 14, Bennigsen informs Davout of Napoleon's abdication and the accession of the Bourbon dynasty to the throne. However, Prince Ekmulsky considers this message from the Russian commander a provocation. On April 20, the enemy again made an attempt to convince the intractable marshal about a change of power in France. Davout replied to two Russian parliamentary officers that “Emperor Napoleon does not transmit orders to me through Russian officers.” 78 . On April 28, the marshal’s cousin, Francois, arrived in Hamburg, who brought letters from Davout’s wife, newspapers and verbally confirmed all the worst news. Only then did Davout decide to surrender (but not capitulate) the city. His troops left Hamburg with all their weapons and unfurled banners.
Upon returning home, Davout had to justify his behavior while commanding the Hamburg garrison. In a letter dated June 17, General Dupont, the Minister of War, informed Davout that the king was expressing extreme displeasure with his actions during the defense of Hamburg: “Firstly, you opened fire on the white banner (of the king) after the news of the overthrow of Napoleon and the restoration of the Bourbons to the throne , wrote Du Pont. “They pocketed all the money from the Hamburg Bank and committed arbitrary acts that discredited the name of the Frenchman.” 79 .
Despite the fact that Louis XVIII accepted Davout's explanations and dropped, albeit unofficially, all the charges that had been thrown at the marshal, the verdict remained in force - the Prince of Ecmul was forbidden to appear in Paris and be permanently present in his estate Savigny-sur-Orge.
When in March 1815 Napoleon, who had fled from the island of Elba, landed in the south of France in Juan Bay, Davout decided to join him and went to Paris. “On March 20, just a few hours after Napoleon’s ceremonial entry into the Tuileries, Davout arrived there and offered his services. His appearance was a triumph for the emperor's followers. After all, not a single person in Paris could, pointing a finger at Prince Ekmulsky, say: “Here comes the renegade!” Davout never bowed his head to the Bourbons and would never have bowed his head even if he had witnessed a thousand restorations. He appeared before Napoleon calm and fearless, and he accepted this cold, unsmiling man into his arms. Davout was the only one in this jubilant crowd who could not be bribed, intimidated, flattered or persuaded to betray his oath. He was the only one among a million opportunists and sycophants." 80 .
With the restoration of the empire, Napoleon invites Davout to take the post of Minister of War. However, the Prince of Ekmül is not too attracted by this offer, and he asks the emperor to better provide him with some position in the active army, especially since a new war with the anti-French coalition is inevitable. Napoleon insists: “I cannot entrust Paris to anyone but you.” 81 , - he answers all the marshal’s objections. As Voensky writes on this occasion, “as if some evil spirit prompted Napoleon to reject the services of a man in whom there was an excess of energy, in whose talents he was confident, and who was selflessly devoted to him.” 82 .
Appointed nevertheless against his will as Minister of War, Davout showed his outstanding organizational abilities in this post, literally forming a combat-ready army out of nothing by the beginning of June 1815.
After Napoleon's defeat at the Battle of Waterloo (June 18, 1815) and the Emperor's second abdication, Davout led the French army and the defense of Paris. However, he understood perfectly well that there was no way to defend the city, much less win the war, when all of Europe took up arms against France. On July 3, 1815, he signs the Convention on the Evacuation of Paris. One of the main demands of the Prince of Ekmul when signing this treaty was an article on amnesty for all who contributed to the return of Napoleon and supported him during the Hundred Days.
However, Davout's hope that this convention would be respected by all parties collapsed in the very near future. Neither the Bourbons, nor especially the allies, intended to comply with the agreements. A wave of so-called “white terror” swept across the country, under which everyone who was in one way or another connected with the “usurper” during the Hundred Days fell. The most famous victims of the “White Terror” were Marshals Brun and Ney. The first was torn to pieces by a crowd of royalist fanatics in Avignon, and the last was shot by decision of the court of peers of France. Davout tried his best to save the life of Ney and other military men who were on the so-called proscription lists. But no one listened to him.
Davout also suffers his share of persecution. Despite the fact that the Prince of Eckmüll did not swear allegiance to the king in 1814, and therefore could not be accused of treason, the royalists did not forgive him for supporting Napoleon in March-June, protecting Ney and other military men. The king deprives Davout of the peerage of France, given to him by the “usurper” on June 2, 1815; By order of the monarch, Prince Ekmulsky was deprived of all monetary awards and pensions and forced to go into exile in Louviers.
“But even before his departure to Louviers, Davout commits an act that is probably more remarkable than the defeat of the Prussians at Auerstedt in 1806 or the defense of Hamburg in 1813-1814.” 83 . He writes a letter to Marshal Gouvion Saint-Cyr (the king's minister of war), in which he asks him that all government proscription measures against the military who served Napoleon during the Hundred Days be directed exclusively against him. “This is a mercy that I demand to be shown to me,” writes Davout, “in the interests of the king and the fatherland!” 84

For two years, Davout lived in Louvieres under police supervision. Only in 1816, thanks to the mediation of Marshal MacDonald and the Duke of Daudeville, the king agreed to end Davout's exile and return him to the estate of Savigny-sur-Orge. The reason for the official end of exile was the wedding of the Duke of Berry, a contender for the throne.
Davout's return to his estate did not mean, however, that everything was over. He is still forbidden to come to Paris without special orders from the king. Throughout the summer and autumn of 1816, the marshal went about his business in Savigny. He personally supervises the cutting of trees in the forest and the cultivation of the land, and takes a special interest in the vineyards, planting vines brought from his native Burgundy. True, Davout did not make a good winemaker: the wine that the marshal produced was of such low quality that only he could appreciate its taste.
At the end of August 1817, Davout received a note from the Minister of War, in which he reported that on the coming Sunday after the mass, Davout must take the oath of Marshal of France and receive the marshal's baton from the hands of the king.
On August 31, Davout, arriving in the Tuileries, receives the marshal's baton from the king's hands. This event is the return of Prince Ekmulsky to public life. On February 11, 1819, Davout became a Knight of the Order of St. Louis, and on March 5 of the same year - a peer of France, along with Marshals Lefebvre, Jourdan, Monsey and Suchet.

Louis Nicolas Davout died in his Parisian mansion on the Rue Saint-Dominique on June 1, 1823 from pulmonary tuberculosis. Before his death, Davout said: “I lived the life of an honest man; I die unsullied" 85 .
The solemn funeral service was celebrated at 11 a.m. on June 4 in the Church of Sainte-Valéry, on the left bank of the Seine. The funeral was led by the marshal's son, son-in-law, Count Vigier, as well as his closest relatives: Count Beaumont, General Count Coutard. His military friends and comrades, soldiers and officers came to say goodbye to the “Iron Marshal”. Marshals Jourdan and Mortier, as well as General Belliard and Count Mason, bore ribbons. The funeral was attended by all the marshals who were in Paris, and a large number of members of both chambers. None of the king's highest dignitaries appeared at the funeral: even dead, Davout inspired fear in them.
The funeral procession, consisting of 14 carriages and a military escort of 200 people, marched through the streets of Paris to the Père Lachaise cemetery.
Marshal Davout was buried in the family crypt next to his beloved daughter Josephine and very close to the graves of Marshals Massena and Ney.
Despite some of the emperor's critical statements about his faithful marshal, Napoleon in most cases will speak quite highly of Davout. The Marquise de Blochville, daughter of the marshal, tells us that General Becker, who was entrusted with the security of the ex-emperor and who accompanied Napoleon from Malmaison to Rochefort, paid frequent visits to the marshal's wife, told her that Napoleon, talking to him throughout the trip, said about his defeats and the reasons that caused them, and one afternoon he exclaimed, speaking about Davout: “I am convinced that Davout loved me, but not as much as he loved France.” (“Je croyais que Davout m’aimait, mais il n’aimait que la France”.) 86 .

Applications

1. STAGES OF SERVICE

1785 – cadet at the Paris Military School.
1788 – junior lieutenant of the Champagne cavalry regiment.
1791 – dismissed.
1793 – Lieutenant Colonel of the 3rd Volunteer Battalion of the Yonne Department.
1793 – major of the staff service.
1793 – brigadier general.
1793 – division general (refused the rank).
1793 – retired from the army.
1794 – again in the army with the rank of brigadier general.
1800 – division general. Commander of the cavalry of the Italian Army.
1801 – commander of the grenadiers of the Consular Guard.
1804 – Marshal of France. Chief of the 6th cohort of the Legion of Honor.
1805 - commander of the 3rd Army Corps of the Great Army.
1807 – Governor-General of the Duchy of Warsaw.
1808 – Duke of Auerstedt.
1809 – Prince of Ekmulsky. Commander of the German Army.
1810 – Governor-General of Hamburg and the Hanseatic cities.
1812 - commander of the 1st Corps of the Great Army.
1813 – commander of the 13th Corps.
1815 – Minister of War of France.
1815 – 1816 – in exile.
1817 – accepted into service.
1819 – peer of France.

2. AWARDS

1803 – Legionnaire of the Legion of Honor.
1804 – senior officer of the Legion of Honor.
1805 – Badge of the Grand Eagle of the Legion of Honor.
1806 – Grand Cross of the Order of Christ (Portugal).
1807 – Knight of the Order of the Iron Crown (Italy).
1808 – Grand Cross of the Order of St. Henry (Saxony).
1809 – Grand Cross of the Order of Virtuti Militari (Duchy of Warsaw).
1810 – Grand Cross of the Order of St. Stephen of Hungary.
1819 – Knight of the Order of St. Louis.

3. MARITAL STATUS

1st marriage: wife – Adelaide Seguenot (1768-1795)
2nd marriage: wife – Louise-Aimé-Julie Leclerc (1782-1868)
Children: Paul (1802-1803)
Josephine (1804-1805)
Josephine (1805-1821)
Adele (1807-1885)
Napoleon (1809-1810)
Louis (1811-1813)
Julie (1812-1813)
Adelaide Louisa (1815-1892)

NOTES

1 Headley J.T. Napoleon and his marshals. N.Y., 1850.
2 Egorov A.A. Napoleon's marshals. Rostov n/d., 1998. P. 164.
3 Le Comte Vigier H. Davout maréchal d’Empire, duc d’Auerstaedt, prince d’Eckmühl (1770-1823). P., 1898. T. 1. P. 4.
4 Ibidem.
5 Gallaher J.G. The Iron Marshall. A biography of Louis N. Dabout. Lnd., 1976. P. 10.
6 Delderfield R. F. Napoleon's Marshals. M., 2001. P. 17-18.
7 Right there. pp. 17-19.
8 Shikanov V.N. Constellation of Napoleon: Marshals of the First Empire. M., 1999.
9 Abrantes L. d." Notes of the Duchess Abrantes, or Historical memories of Napoleon, the revolution, the directory, the consulate, the empire and the restoration of the Bourbons. M., 1835-1839. T. 7. pp. 89-90.
10 Egorov A. A. Marshals of Napoleon... P. 172.
11 Gallaher J.G. Op. cit. P. 22.
12 Dunn-Pattison R.P. Napoleon's marshals. Lnd., 1909. P. 164.
13 Hourtoulle F.G. Davout le Terrible. Duc d'Auerstaedt, prince d'Eckmühl. P., 1975. P. 65.
14 Rules, thoughts and opinions of Napoleon on the art of war, military history and military affairs. From his works and correspondence, collected by F. Kauzler. St. Petersburg, 1844. Part 2. pp. 77-78.
15 Abrantes L. d." Decree. Op. T. 7. P. 77.
16 Gallagher J. G. Op. cit. P. 48.
17 Berthier. Notes of Marshal Berthier, Prince of Neuchâtel and Wagram, Chief of the General Staff of the French Army about the Egyptian expedition of Napoleon Bonaparte. M., 1848. Part 2. pp. 113-114.
18 Gallaher J.G. Op. cit. P. 64-65.
19 Egorov A.A. Napoleon's Marshals... P. 190.
20 Abrantes L. d." Decree. Op. T. 5. P. 23.
21 Bourrienne L.A. Notes of G. Burienne, Minister of State, about Napoleon, the directory, the consulate, the empire, the restoration of the Bourbons. St. Petersburg, 1834. T. 2. Part 4. P. 275.
22 Bourrienne L.A. Decree. Op. T. 2. Part 4. P. 274.
23
24 Dedem. Mémoires du général de Dedem de Gelder. 1774-1825. P., 1900. P. 196.
25 Szymanowski. Mémoires du général Szymanowski. P. 1906.
26 Marmont. Mémoires du maréchal Marmont, duc de Raguse. P., 1857. T. 2. P. 193.
27 Abrantes L. d." Decree. Op. T. 7. P. 83-88.
28 Correspondance de maréchal Davout, prince d"Eckmühl, ses commandements, son ministère. 1801-1815. P., 1885. T. 1. P. 82.
29 Le Comte Vigier H. Op. cit. T. 1. P. 128.
30 Gallaher J.G. Op. cit. P. 85-86.
31 Dunn-Pattison R.P. Op. cit. P. 162.
32 Correspondance de maréchal Davout... T. 1. P. 139.
33 Young P. Napoleon's marshals. N.Y., 1973. P. 123.
34 Correspondance de maréchal Davout... T. 1. P. 194.
35 Le Comte Vigier H. Op. cit. T. 1. P. 81.
36 Voensky K.A. Napoleon and his marshals in 1812. M., 1912. P. 35.
37 Delderfield R.F. Napoleon's Marshals... P. 183-184.
38 Egorov A. A. Marshals of Napoleon... P. 213.
39 Fourcart P. Campagne de Prusse. 1806. D'apres les archives de la guerre. P., 1887. P. 619.
40 Abrantes L. d." Decree. Op. T. 9. P. 232.
41 Dunn-Pattison R.P. Op. cit. P. 168.
42 Rovigo. Memoirs of the Duc of Rovigo (M. Savary) written by himself illustrative of his history of the emperor Napoleon. Lnd., 1828. V. 1. Part. 2. P. 186-187.
43 Correspondance de maréchal Davout... T. 1. P. 283.
44 Le Comte Vigier H. Op. cit. T. 1. P. 213.
45 Voensky K.A. Decree. Op. P. 36.
46 Gallaher J.G. Op. cit. P. 147.
47 Le Comte Vigier H. Op. cit. T. 1. P. 250-251.
48 Pototskaya A. Decree. Op. pp. 108-109.
49 Correspondance de maréchal Davout... T. 2. P. 78-81.
50 Myopic marshal. From the report of a military agent in Paris, Colonel A. Chernyshev // Motherland. 1992. No. 6-7. P. 26.
51 Le Comte Vigier H. Op. cit. T. 1. P. 261.
52 Ibidem.
53 Gallaher J.G. Op. cit. P. 160-161.
54 Gallaher J.G. Op. cit. P. 131.
55 Voensky K.A. Decree. Op. P. 44.
56 Correspondance de maréchal Davout... T. 2. P. 486.
57 Delderfield R. F. Napoleon's Marshals... P. 239.
58 Shikanov V.N. Constellation Napoleon...
59 Correspondance de maréchal Davout... T. 3. P. 191-193.
60 Ibidem.
61 Caulaincourt A. Memoirs. Napoleon's campaign against Russia. Smolensk, 1991. pp. 216-217.
62 Hourtoulle F.G. Op. cit. P. 287.
63 Gallaher J.G. Op. cit. P. 261.
64 Jomini. Essays on the art of war. M., 1938. T. 2. P. 60.
65 Segur F. Campaign to Russia. Memoirs of an adjutant. M., 2002. P. 231.
66 Caulaincourt A. Decree. Op. pp. 242-243.
67 Segur F. Decree. Op. pp. 282-283.
68 Glinka F. Letters from a Russian officer. M., 1990. P. 144.
69 Correspondance de maréchal Davout... T. 3. P. 540.
70 Ibidem.
71 Ibid. P. 551.
72 Nechvolodov A. Sketches of the phenomena of war in the view of the commander based on Napoleon’s letters for the summer and autumn of 1813. Warsaw, 1894. P. 22.
73 Bogdanovich M. History of the 1813 War for German Independence according to reliable sources. St. Petersburg, 1863. T. 2. pp. 334-335.
74 d’Avout A. La defense de Hambourg en 1813-1814 // Mémoires de la Societe Bourguignonne de Geographie et d’Histoire. Dijon. 1896. P. 353.
75 Lacroix D. Des Maréchaux de Napoleon. P., s.a. P. 218-219.
76 Lavis E. Rambo A. History of the 19th century. M., 1938. T. 2.
77 Headley J.T. Op. cit.
78 Lacroix D. Op. cit. P. 219.
79 Gallaher J.G. Op. cit. P. 297.
80 Delderfield R. F. Decree. Op. pp. 386-387.
81 Young P. Op. cit. P. 125.
82 Voensky K.A. Decree. Op. P. 43.
83 Egorov A. A. Decree. Op. P. 240.
84 For the full text see: Le Comte Vigier H. Op. cit. T. 2. P. 366-368.
85 Hourtoulle F.G. Op. cit. P. 392.
86 Blocqueville A.-L. de'. Le maréchal Davout, prince d’Eckmühl. Correspondance inédite 1790-1815. P., 1887. P. 182.

It is difficult to form the right opinion regarding a person like Davout. The insults thrown at him, supported by some historians, tended to destroy sympathy for him from the very beginning, without even bothering to look deeper into such an extraordinary and controversial personality as the future Duke of Auerstedt and Prince of Eckmühl, who rightfully received the nickname “Iron Marshal” . As Hadley writes, “Confident in all his actions and due to his stern character, he committed actions that pointed to a man who was cruel and insensitive. But if we judge people by their deeds, and not by the reasons that prompted them to commit these actions, then we are forced to regard the Duke of Wellington as the most cruel of people. His entire political course in England - his constant opposition to all reforms, his rude attitude towards the petitions of the poor and helpless, his callous indifference to the cries of thousands of starving people, proves his most callous and ruthless character. But his actions, which caused so much suffering and aroused so much indignation that even his home was crowded with indignant compatriots, all stem from his education as a military man. Everything must submit to the established order of things, and the suffering of individuals should not be taken into account. Same with Davout. Having received a military education from his youth, accustomed from childhood to scenes of revolutionary violence, with all its moral and moral principles originating from the roar of battles and the depravity of the camps, the life of a soldier was for him the true life of a person. Success and victory were the only goals to which he attached primary importance and, forming his opinion in advance, he was well aware that suffering and death would certainly be present. All this is a natural result of his firm belief that all means are good to achieve victory, as well as his military credo - “to the victors belong the spoils.” He did nothing carelessly, and did not have the courtesy and gentleness in his manner and behavior, which softens many harsh and rude actions and actions, and gives the impression that they were done more from need than from desire. 1 .

Davout's three main virtues were: great personal courage and fearlessness, complete self-control and endurance in moments of danger, and incredible perseverance and fortitude. In the skill with which he selected the terrain, arranged the troops, and determined the point and moment of attack, he had few who surpassed him in Europe. Swift in attack, he was completely calm and incredibly tenacious in defense. This combination of two such opposing qualities seemed to characterize many of Napoleonic generals and was the main reason for their success.
His personal courage was well known in the army and whenever he struck a blow, it was clear to everyone that this blow would be the strongest, the heaviest imaginable.
The most important services rendered by him at Austerlitz, Preussisch-Eylau, Eckmühl and Wagram significantly influenced the outcome of these battles and contributed to Napoleon's victory. The victory over the Prussian army at Auerstedt in 1806 occupies a special place among the victories of French arms of that period. His administrative activities in Poland and Germany helped strengthen his authority not only in the eyes of Napoleon, but also in the eyes of the emperor’s circle.
His relations with Napoleon were quite trusting and warm during the period of the Consulate and the larger period of the Empire. However, they began to cool on Napoleon's part during the Russian campaign of 1812 and became more tense in 1813-1814. However, Louis Nicolas Davout remained loyal to Napoleon during the Hundred Days, serving as France's Minister of War.
Among Napoleon's marshals, Davout was distinguished not only for his military leadership and administrative talents, but also for his honesty and selflessness.

Louis Nicolas Davout was born on May 10, 1770 in the family castle of Annou, in Burgundy. He belonged to an old but poor Burgundian noble family, known since the 13th century. This family regularly supplied brave warriors to the Dukes of Burgundy, and then to the French kings. No wonder an old Burgundian proverb said: “When Davout is born, the sword leaves its sheath.” 2 .
Davout the father, continuing the family tradition, followed the military path, rising to the rank of lieutenant.
Louis Nicolas's mother, Marie-Adelaide, according to Count Vigier, was “a woman of rare virtues and deep intelligence...” 3 . Like her husband, she belonged to a noble noble family. One of her ancestors, a certain Antoine Minard, was the chairman of the Paris Parliament for 15 years (Parliament of Paris is the highest judicial body in France).
Soon after the birth of the first child (After Louis Nicolas, another sister, Julie, and two brothers, Alexander and Charles, appeared in the family) The Davout family moved from Annou to Etivi, where the first nine years of Louis Nicolas' life passed. On March 3, 1779, Father Jean-Francois died while hunting; according to one version, he died from an accidental shot, according to another, coming from Count Vigier, he was killed in a duel 4 . 38-year-old Madame Davout was left a widow with four young children in her arms.
Having sold the estate in Etivi, Madame Davout bought a castle and lands in Ravier, where she moved with her entire family, with the exception of Louis Nicolas, who in 1779 was sent to study at the royal military school in Auxerre (Auxerre).

The excellent military education he received first at Auxerre (Auxerres), and then at the most prestigious - Paris military schools, laid excellent foundations for successful service, which began in the Champagne cavalry regiment and carried out garrison service in the town of Esden, province of Artois. At one time, his father and uncle served in the same regiment, and in the same year, when the service began for Louis Nicolas himself, his cousin Francois-Claude.
He stood out in the regiment not only for his character, but also for his desire to know more. Young Louis Nicolas devoted all his leisure time to reading. His uncle, Major d'Avou wrote to his family: “My nephew Davout... will never become a soldier. Instead of studying (military theory), he revels in the books of Montaigne, Rousseau and other philosophers." 5 . Yes, it probably always seemed strange for an officer to be interested in philosophy. However, in the future, this knowledge (as well as extraordinary mathematical abilities) created Davout’s reputation as the most educated and one of the most capable marshals of the Empire. Already at the beginning of his service, he was able to comprehend and appreciate the ideas of the Age of Enlightenment, and from here there was only one step left before accepting the ideas and goals of the revolution.
In addition to the writings of the Enlightenment, he was famously influenced by the lawyer Louis Turreau de Lignères, who married the mother of Louis Nicolas on August 31, 1789. Nine years older than his stepson, Turreau de Lignieres, however, was a man of progressive views and a republican at heart. Louis Nicolas established a fairly even and respectful relationship with him, despite the fact that almost all members of the Davout family condemned this marriage.
Davout enthusiastically embraced the revolution and therefore it is not surprising that his soul was filled with delight when news of the storming of the Bastille arrived in Arras, where his regiment was located at that time. No one questioned the courier arriving from Paris more carefully than Louis Nicolas Davout. “This junior officer was a serious young man, a deep expert in state law, although somewhat pedantic in his profession.
As far as his contemporaries can remember, Davout devoted himself to the military profession, but by the time of the events described he had failed to make much of an impression on his superiors. His only distinguishing characteristic was his manner of slovenly dressing and disdain for attempts to show off on the part of his fellow subalterns. Polished brass and powdered wigs were of no interest to him at all. He imagined the perfect commander as a person who is interested exclusively in the professional side of his business and proceeds to action only after carefully weighing each of the options available to him: a swift attack, stubborn resistance and, if necessary, a retreat in battle and in perfect order. By the age of nineteen, he had earned a reputation as an intractable stubborn man. In the officers' mess, his speeches never ended in laughter. He did not consider it necessary to spend either time or money on courting women, as well as on card games. He also despised the ostentatious side of military life, kept a lot to himself, did not make friends and did not fawn over those who could promote him through the ranks.
He was apparently the most unpopular junior officer in the regiment, but although many laughed at his unsociability and poorly tied ties, this was done only behind his back. No one dared to express these claims to his face, since there was something in Davout’s nature that inspired, albeit unkind, respect.” 6 .
Having embraced the revolution with all his heart, he invited the officers to send a deputation to declare their commitment to the revolutionary ideas of the Champagne Regiment. Most of the junior officers supported this proposal and chose him for this mission.
Together with Davout, a young sergeant went to Paris, who was the complete opposite of Louis Nicolas in almost everything. This sergeant's name was Claude Perrin, but he did not like it too much and preferred to call himself Victor. “They were heading along the road to Paris: Davout was silent and even more thoughtful than usual. Sergeant Victor-Perrin chatted incessantly, talking about what rewards could fall on the heads of sensible sergeants who stood on the solid ground of a successfully developing revolution. So they rode side by side - two future marshals of France... Even in their most fantastic dreams they could not imagine what glory, what wealth and what differences in understanding of loyalty the coming years had in store for them. They could not even imagine that after more than twenty years of glory, one of them would sacrifice everything to save honor, and the other would begin to hunt for his former friends and sell them to the royalists." 7 .

Davout's father - Jean-Francois d'Avoux

In August 1790, formed in Esden, where Davout's regiment was again located, the National Guard invited the Royal Champagne Regiment to enter into an alliance with it. The rank and file and junior officers of the regiment, including Davout, warmly supported this proposal. However, the regiment's command was resolutely opposed to any kind of association with revolutionary-minded units. During one of the banquets, a certain officer of the royal army proclaims:
- I propose a toast that is in the hearts of each of us, especially in times of current “freedom”. And I flatter myself that there is not a nonentity among us who could say anything other than “For the health of the king!”
Without hesitating for a second, Lieutenant Davout rose from his place with a glass in his hand:
- I, gentlemen, am such a “nonentity” that Monsieur spoke about here. And I drink “For the Health of the Nation!” 8
However, the regiment's command did not want to give up their positions and decided to punish the troublemakers for their seditious thoughts. Soon an opportunity presented itself. In August, riots occurred in Esden, in which soldiers and junior officers of the regiment took part. The command sent a complaint to the Minister of War, who by his order expelled all troublemakers from the ranks of the Royal Champagne Regiment. Davout was outraged by this measure of the minister and wrote a letter to the government in which he very sharply protested about this. In response, by order of the same Minister of War, Davout was placed under arrest in the Arras Fort. Rising to the defense of their officer, the soldiers of the Champagne Regiment, as well as the National Guardsmen, sent a petition to the National Assembly so that authorized representatives would deal with the fact of arbitrariness against Davout. On September 4, 1790, the National Assembly decided to send two special commissioners to Esden to find out the truth. The proceedings took two months and ended well for Louis Nicolas. He was not only released from prison, but also reinstated in his former rank. Upon his release, Davout wrote a request for leave and immediately went to his mother in Ravier.
Having a lot of free time, Davout continues to read a large number of books, giving preference to books on ancient and modern history, and political philosophy. What he read convinces him even more of the truth of revolutionary doctrines.
In September 1791, Davout left the regular army and joined the 3rd battalion of volunteers of the Yonne department as a simple soldier. The very next day, taking into account Davout’s military education, the volunteers elect him captain, and after some time he becomes colonel.
On December 16, 1791, his battalion was sent to the Army of the North, and when the war with Prussia and Austria began in the spring of 1792, he fought under the command of General Dumouriez in the Austrian Netherlands.
Having accepted the revolution and its ideas with all his soul, Davout decides to break with the class from whose ranks he came. This step, of course, was difficult for the young officer, but he took it and is unlikely to regret it in the future.
Naturally, many of the future marshal’s contemporaries wondered why Davout broke with the noble class, what was the reason for this. Trying to find an answer to these questions, the wife of General Junot, and in the future the Duchess d'Abrantes, wrote about this: “Everyone who especially knew Marshal Davout should remember his deep hatred for the ancient nobility, and even for everyone else, before empires. But the reason for this is little known: here it is... He (Davout) was in the service before the revolution and was still very young at the time when travel to Koblenz and Worms began (Koblenz and Worms are the largest centers of French counter-revolutionary emigration). But he remembered above all that he was a Frenchman, he loudly condemned the departure of his comrades and refused to follow them. His opinion, frankly expressed, brought him trouble and, among other things, a duel. But nevertheless he remained within his own rules and did not want to leave. At first they sent notices to him - he did not look at them; they were followed by nameless letters - he despised them... But one day he received a box in which there was a spindle and a spinning wheel (The meaning of the insult was that in France under the “old regime” this meant the transition of a noble surname into a feminine one)… his heart was deeply offended. "Oh! - he said, destroying the silent and yet expressive insult. - So you want war? Okay, we will fight; but shame will fall on you, but glory and honor will fall on me... I defend my fatherland.” From that moment on, Davout became an avowed enemy of the entire ancient nobility, although he himself belonged to it and was one of the good nobles..." 9 .
On this occasion, A. Egorov writes: “There is no reason not to trust the testimony of Madame d’Abrantes, and yet, it seems that in this case she confused the effect and the cause. The reason, of course, could well have been the spinning wheel handed over to Davout “with a hint,” but the reason for his defection, undoubtedly, was much deeper. The literature of the Enlightenment, the great literature that debunked old idols, overthrew dogmas that had existed for centuries, opened Davout’s eyes to the injustice reigning in France and “recruited” him to the side of the revolution.” 10 . Another source of Davout’s revolutionary spirit, apparently, was communication with people who held democratic, republican views, such as his stepfather, Turreau de Lignieres, who later became a member of the Convention, as well as Davout’s friend Bourbotte.
Speaking about Davout's revolutionary sentiments, it is worth noting that he was always against extreme, too radical views. Therefore, the methods of the Jacobins (Montagnards) aroused his rejection. For Davout, it seemed completely unacceptable and dangerous to allow cases of lynching, “popular reprisals” against civilians, even if they were considered “enemies of the people.” In this sense, an interesting incident occurred in the winter of 1792 in the town of Dorman, where Davout’s regiment was stationed at that time.
In this town, accompanied by six companions, the former bishop of Meda, Monsieur Castelan, appeared. He stayed at a hotel, which immediately became known to local patriots, who surrounded the hotel and prepared to immediately deal with him. Davout, who arrived in time at the hotel with a detachment of soldiers, prevented lynching, personally arrested the bishop and the next morning sent him to Orleans under the guard of soldiers. It is curious that on the way to Orleans, Castellan managed to escape.
In the fall of 1792, Davout and his soldiers took part in battle for the first time as part of the army of the North. This happened on September 1 between Condé and Valenciennes. Davout takes part in the siege of Brussels and ends the 1792 campaign under the walls of Antwerp.

However, the very next year the victorious French suffered failure after failure. On March 18, 1793, near Neerwinden, Dumouriez's army suffered a severe defeat from the Austrians, and the army commander himself took the path of treason. However, Dumouriez fails to turn the army against revolutionary Paris, and he and his companions abandon the army. Davout becomes aware of the betrayal of the commander-in-chief, and on April 4 he comes face to face with Dumouriez himself and those accompanying him. Wanting to punish the traitor, Davout orders to open fire, but by pure chance and the negligence of the soldiers, Dumouriez manages to escape.
On May 1, 1793, in gratitude for his participation in suppressing the Dumouriez plot, Davout was promoted to the rank of colonel.
Davout had to participate not only in battles, but also in political battles, which seemed even more dangerous. In this sense, one episode that occurred in April 1793 is indicative. During dinner, to which Davout was invited by General Dampierre, a conversation took place during which Louis Nicolas spoke extremely harshly about the Jacobins, as well as their leaders Robespierre and Marat. Regarding their political opponents, the Girondins, he, on the contrary, had the highest opinion. At the same dinner, two informants of the Minister of War were present, who provoked Davout into a frank conversation. During the dispute, they “suddenly” remembered that back in 1790, none other than Marat and Robespierre came out in his defense when the command of the Champagne Regiment tried to “deal with” him. They accused Louis Nicolas of ingratitude and unreliability, which was almost tantamount to treason. Dove had to explain himself. “Then,” he said, “I refused to serve the plans of the king who was my benefactor. Now, for the same reason, I refuse to go into the service of the Jacobins and support their plans, which seem disastrous to me.” 11 .
To make such a statement one had to have enormous personal courage. Despite such harsh statements addressed to the Jacobin government, the revolutionary government leaves Davout free, but sends him “for re-education” to the Vendee to pacify the rebellion. Participating in the civil war in the Vendee, Louis Nicolas shows personal courage and, more importantly, talents in command and control, for which he receives the rank of brigadier general. Less than two weeks pass before Davout is again promoted to the rank of division general, and he is ordered to return to the Army of the North.
But instead of going to his new destination, Davout went to Paris to refuse the rank of division general assigned to him on July 30, 1793. He motivates his refusal of another promotion by his youth and little experience in business.
However, Davout did not stop there. On August 29, 1793, he submitted his resignation and went to his mother in Ravier. The reason is the reluctance to serve in the army, where Jacobin commissars dominate with all their might, who evaluate people not by their abilities, but solely by their political views and fanatical commitment to the government of Robespierre. A letter to Davout, written by him at the beginning of 1794, has been preserved, in which there are the following lines: “Should we be subject to tyranny of any kind, such as the tyranny of a committee (Referring to the Committee of Public Safety) or a club?.. Why can all non-French people witness the brotherhood and republican virtues that reign in our bivouacs: here we have no robbers, but don’t we have them in abundance at home?” 12
This letter undoubtedly indicates that Davout's departure from the army was his conscious choice.
Revolutionary events, albeit small, but participation in the civil war in the Vendee led to the fact that Davout had a persistent aversion to the revolution, which brought only chaos, anarchy and lawlessness at the state level.
Until October 1794, Davout was out of work. He spent all this time in his mother's house, in Ravier. As usual, Louis Nicolas is intensively engaged in self-education. He reads avidly. Perhaps this is due to his nearsightedness, which forced him to wear glasses from time to time. Moreover, unlike many other military leaders of the French army, he did not hesitate to do this in public.
The holiday in Ravier, however, turned out to be short-lived, since with his views he could not help but fall under the suspicion of the Jacobin government. Soon after his arrival in Ravières, his mother was arrested and taken to Auxerre (Auxerre). As Louis Nicolas later learned, his mother corresponded with the La Rochefoucauld family, who entrusted her with some valuables for safekeeping before leaving France, which were the subject of their correspondence. To save his mother from reprisal, he returned to the house at night, found all these incriminating letters and burned them. The court, having no convincing evidence of Marie-Adelaide's crime, was forced to release her. However, the misadventures of Davout and his mother did not end. In April 1794, Marie-Adelaide was arrested again and spent several months in prison. Davout himself was also arrested and imprisoned. Only the overthrow of Robespierre and his government on 9 Thermidor brings the release of Davout and his mother.
After 9 Thermidor, Davout was restored to his post and sent to the so-called Rhine-Mosel Army. Participating in the siege of Luxembourg, Davout and his cavalrymen made a daring raid behind the Austrians, capturing a very important point that supplied the besieged with food.
A little later, Davout's brigade takes part in the siege of Mainz. In mid-May 1795, Davout's unit took part in the battles that took place south of Mannheim.
Fate more than once brings Brigadier General Davout together with General Marceau, who received the nickname “the lion of the French army” from his contemporaries. Davout and Marceau become such close friends that Louis Nicolas even planned to arrange the marriage of his sister Julie, marrying her to his friend. Only the unexpected death of Marceau in the fall of next year upset all these plans.
During the battles near Mannheim, the unit in which Davout served was surrounded and forced to lay down arms in front of the Austrians. This happened on November 21, 1795. By a happy coincidence for Louis Nicolas, the victorious Austrians were commanded by General Wurmser, who knew Louis Nicolas' uncle Jacques-Edmé d'Avoux well. Having learned that his nephew had been captured, Wurmser wanted to see him, and after a short conversation, as a sign respect for his old friend, he released Davout to France, making him promise not to take part in hostilities.
Only in November 1796, after an exchange of prisoners, Davout returned to the Rhine-Moselle Army, now commanded by General Bernonville. True, Davout was not destined to participate in active hostilities for long. Already on October 9, 1796, Bernonville concluded a truce with the Austrians, which lasted until the spring of the following year.
French troops crossed the Rhine, and in the battles near Diersheim - April 20-21, 1797 - Davout showed his best side. Even General Vandamme - that distrustful and stingy warrior - paid tribute to General Dove in his report. The future marshal demonstrated brilliant abilities as a commander: self-control and professionalism.
The Directory, in a letter to Davout dated May 24, noted the general’s great services to the Republic, his decisive and skillful actions in the battles on the Rhine, and that he “earned the respect and gratitude of the entire French people.” 13 .
Here, on the Rhine, Davout became friends with General Desaix, who, according to Napoleon, possessed “to the highest degree that indifference that is so necessary for a great commander - a balance of mind, character or courage.” 14 .
The fates of Davout and Desaix were similar in many ways. Like Davout, Desaix came from an ancient and noble noble family; like Louis Nicolas, he graduated from the military school in Effia even before the revolution, i.e. was a professional military man; During the revolution, Desaix broke with his class once and for all. In the fall of 1793, by order of the Jacobin Committee of Public Safety, Desaix was dismissed and returned to the army only thanks to the petition of General Pichegru, who, in turn, was patronized by the powerful Saint-Just. Despite all his military achievements, he was extremely modest. “It was the Bayard of the army. A skilled warrior without fear or reproach,” Segur said about him. He was similar to Davout even in that, as Napoleon testifies, he was “always casually dressed.” Contemporaries who wrote about Davout also unanimously noted that Louis Nicolas “was the most unpleasant person, the dirtiest in appearance that you can ever meet. “This struck me so extraordinarily,” wrote the Duchess d’Abrantes, “that, despite all the good will to be polite to my husband’s friend, I could not help but express my amazement ... at the sight of boots, dirty even in summer (he was probably walking on some kind of some stream, and this could have happened to him even at noon, because he did not see clearly), when looking at his hands, small and white, but with nails in half-mourning, matching a dirty, worn-out flannel vest.” 15 .
Of course, it cannot be said that these two people were alike in everything. Not at all. For example, Louis Desaix was completely uncharacteristic of the rude tone that Davout sometimes allowed himself in relation to his subordinates or people equal to him in rank...
Friendship with Desaix soon radically changed the life of General Davout. It was Desaix who would introduce Davout to General Bonaparte when the latter was recruiting intelligent officers for the upcoming expedition to Egypt. It was Desaix who would insist that Napoleon, on whom Davout did not make any impression at first, took him on the Egyptian campaign. Perhaps Davout himself, after meeting Bonaparte, did not experience the feelings that some historians attributed to him, since, according to some contemporaries, Davout was part of the cohort of those who opposed Bonaparte.
One way or another, Bonaparte took Davout with him to Egypt. Both of these people looked closely at each other at first, so it is not surprising that Napoleon does not give Louis Nicolas any command.
After the capture of Alexandria, Davout was appointed commander of the cavalry in the Dezais division. It was in this capacity that he took part in the famous Battle of the Pyramids, near Cyrus, on July 21, 1798, which ended in the defeat of the Mamluks and strengthened the French conquest of Lower Egypt.
Davout earned Bonaparte's first gratitude after he brilliantly reorganized the French cavalry. In his order of the day dated October 10, 1798, Bonaparte wrote: “The Commander-in-Chief wishes to give Brigadier General Dove a certificate of satisfaction to the government for the service he has performed in the armies of the Republic.” 16 .
Since the fall of 1798, together with Deze Davout, he has participated in the conquest of Upper Egypt and the destruction of the troops of Murad Bey, the most persistent enemy of the French in Egypt. However, Davout has to conduct not only battles with the Mamelukes, but also conduct punitive expeditions against the rebellious population. For his successes in the battles against Murad Bey and for suppressing the uprising in Lower Egypt, Davout received the rank of division general.
Upon Napoleon's return to Egypt from Syria, Davout took part in the Battle of Aboukir. True, to be precise, during almost the entire battle he is in the rear, leading the reserve. But Davout is not satisfied with the role of a simple spectator. He asks for a meeting with the commander-in-chief. The meeting took place, however, there is no evidence of what these two people talked about. However, one thing is clear, it was after this conversation that Davout becomes “Bonaparte’s man,” a man infinitely devoted to him.
After a conversation with Napoleon, Davout takes an active part in the final stage of the battle of Abukir. During one of the fights, he almost lost his life.
The notes of the chief of staff of the French army, General Berthier, about Davout’s actions say the following: “On the 12th (July 25th, new style) General Davout was in the trenches: he separated all the houses in which the enemy had an apartment, and from here he rushed into the fort, after which he killed many... the success of this day, which accelerated the surrender of the fort, belongs to the excellent orders of General Davout.” 17 .
When Napoleon returns to France, leaving the army in Egypt, Davout does not fall into the relatively narrow circle of people from Bonaparte’s inner circle whom he takes with him.
Louis Nicolas remained in Egypt and received the post of military governor of three provinces - Beni Suef, El Fayum, El Miniya in the central part of the country.
During negotiations with the British and Turks, which were started by Bonaparte's successor General Kleber, about the French evacuation of Egypt, Davout is Kleber's staunch opponent on this issue. He declares that without an order from Paris there can be no question of a complete evacuation of Egypt. Nevertheless, the El Arish Agreement was signed.
Not wanting to stay with Kleber any longer, Davout demands permission to leave the army and return to France as soon as possible. Desaix asks for similar permission. Kleber, although upset by this, satisfied these requests.
Soon after sailing, Desaix and Davout fall into the hands of the British, from whose lips they learn that the English government refused to ratify the El-Arish Agreement, and therefore they are prisoners of war. They spent almost a month in English captivity.
Having learned about Davout’s return to France, Napoleon, by that time already the First Consul and head of the French government, immediately sent him a letter of very flattering content: “I was pleased to learn, citizen, that you have arrived in Toulon. Campaign (Referring to the campaign in Italy in 1800) it has just begun; we need people with your talents. You can be sure that I have not forgotten the services you rendered us under Abukir and in Upper Egypt. When your quarantine is over, come to Paris" 18 .
However, instead of rushing to Paris, Davout goes to his mother in Ravier. He appears in Paris only at the beginning of July 1800.
“What is the reason for Davout’s strange “sluggishness”? Why, like Desa (who at the decisive moment of the Battle of Marengo on June 14, 1800, with his troops, came to the aid of the army of the First Consul and found a glorious death on the battlefield), did he not immediately go to the Apennines? Perhaps it would be most correct to explain this by the fact that Davout was offended by Bonaparte, who abandoned him as an unnecessary, worthless thing in Egypt. A man who was undoubtedly proud and, like all proud people, touchy, Louis Nicolas could well have experienced feelings for Napoleon at that time that were very far from gratitude. Davout's desire to faithfully serve the man who without hesitation left him in the Egyptian mousetrap must have diminished noticeably in the months that had elapsed since Napoleon's departure from Egypt. In captivity by the British in Livorno, Louis Nicolas had enough time to think carefully about all this ... " 19
In July 1800, Davout was appointed commander of the cavalry of the Italian Army. Participating in hostilities against the Austrians, he distinguished himself at the Battle of Pozzolo. Laura d’Abrantes writes about Davout’s participation in this battle: “General Davout decided the victory with an excellent cavalry attack.” 20 .
After concluding a peace treaty with Austria, Davout oversaw the Austrian evacuation of the fortress of Mantua and the withdrawal of Austrian troops from a number of other settlements in the Apennines designated in the Treaty of Luneville. After this, he reorganizes the cavalry of the French-allied Cisalpine Republic.
In June 1801, Davout was summoned to Paris and on July 24 he was appointed inspector general of cavalry, supervising the cavalry units of the 1st, 14th, 15th and 16th military districts. As Napoleon’s secretary Bourrienne recalled, not without surprise, “this man (Davout) ... without any famous exploits, without any rights, suddenly fell into the greatest favor.” 21 .

Napoleon, who loved to marry his comrades, chose a bride for Davout and married him to a pupil of Madame Campan's boarding school - Louise-Aimé-Julie Leclerc. According to Madame Ducret, “beautiful as an angel, she was simple, modest and indulgent.” Considering the fact that General Leclerc himself was Napoleon's son-in-law, Louise-Aimé-Julie was known as an enviable bride. The wedding between Louis Nicolas and Louise-Aimé-Julie took place on November 9, 1801 in Paris. Moreover, at the wedding, in addition to Napoleon, who signed the wedding contract, all other members of the First Consul’s family who were in the capital at that time were present.

November 28, 1801, Bonaparte appoints Davout commander of the foot grenadiers of the Consular Guard. On this occasion, Bonaparte’s secretary Bourrienne wrote: “... flattering the First Consul’s plans for the East, Davout, upon his return from Egypt in 1800, after the Treaty of El Arish, came into his favor and, if not deserved, then at least acquired his favor, because in this era Davout did not yet have any rights to the rapid promotion and elevation he received. Without any gradual steps, he was made the chief commander of the Grenadiers of the Consular Guard. From that day on, the hatred that Davout had for me began: surprised by Napoleon’s lengthy conversation with him, I immediately said to the First Consul after his departure: “How can you stay for so long with a man whom you yourself have always called a brute? – I didn’t know him; he is worth much more than what is rumored about him..." 22 .

Of the eight children born to the Davout couple, four lived no more than a year, and their beloved daughter Josephine was only 16 years old. It was this blow of fate that significantly crippled the forces of the “Iron Marshal”. Princess Ekmulskaya survived her husband by forty-five years. During the years of the Second Empire, she remained one of the few witnesses to the splendor of the past era.
The marshal had no direct heirs in the male line. Therefore, in 1864, Napoleon III transferred the title of Duke of Auerstedt to his nephew Davout. It is along this line that the ancient Burgundian family continues to this day. Moreover, only the head of the family bears the surname Davout (now this is also a kind of title), the rest are still called d’Avout 23 .
In 1803, when intensive preparations were underway for a landing on the British Isles, Davout received under his command the 3rd Army Corps, located in the so-called Boulogne camp. In this new position, Davout displays truly boundless energy and conscientiousness, diligently drilling the soldiers, leaving nothing to chance. He keeps an eye on everything and everyone; it seemed there wasn’t a single little thing that he didn’t delve into. Davout attaches particular importance to training soldiers and supplying them with everything necessary. It was Louis Nicolas's constant attention to the needs of the soldier that prompted Baron Dedem to write in his memoirs that “he (Davout) was always a real father to his army.” 24 . Shimanovsky echoes General Dedem: “He severely punished robbery and forced the perpetrators to be shot. However, on the other hand, Davout was scrupulous in ensuring that every soldier had the necessary amount of food..." 25 Marmont, who speaks very harshly in his memoirs about Davout, writes: “A fanatic of order, maintaining discipline in his troops, approaching their needs with care, he was fair, but harsh towards the officers and did not win their love.” 26 .
Therefore, the statements of some historians that Davout was “merciless towards his soldiers” sound somewhat ridiculous.
An incident dates back to this time in which Davout, according to the Duchess d'Abrantes, plays an excellent role: “At that time there was in the Bruges camp a man known to everyone ... for his beautiful curls and the appearance of Murat, whom he tried to imitate in clothes and actions and in circulation: this is General d'Arsenne. Then he was a colonel of an infantry regiment, playing the role of a charming, charming one; but was he kind? This is another matter. Colonel d'Arsenne rose very quickly, fought well because he was brave and, curling his hair, which he did not manage himself, forgot about his brother, the poor gendarme. And this brother raised him, taught him to read and was his second father. - Brother! - he told him when the young man joined the regiment... - You have nothing; but I gave you good, good rules; be honest, think about our father and don’t forget me. The young man set off... he never remembered his poor brother, the gendarme, as if he had never existed. The brother died, and in the greatest poverty, which only increased for his widow and the two small children left behind him. Before his death, he wrote a touching letter to his brother-colonel and entrusted his children to him. The widow was waiting for an answer; he didn't come. She wrote it herself: the same silence. She was a mother; she saw her children dying of hunger, inquired where the twenty-second regiment, commanded by d'Arsenne, was, and, taking her children by the hands, went with them on foot to the Bruges camp... Arriving in Ostend, the poor woman asks for Colonel d'Arsenne's apartment Arsenna. She was covered in rags, a beggar; the servants drove her away. She cried and said that she was the colonel’s sister: they drove her away with even greater rudeness. The strangeness of this incident caused one of the servants to tell his master about it. The colonel frowned, remembered that he definitely had a brother, but ordered his servants to throw out the door the slut who dared to take the name of his daughter-in-law.
Then in the Bruges camp there was a certain Florenville, the head of the gendarmerie squadron: he, as they say, kept order in the camp and in its surroundings. D'Arsenne came to him and said that his brother had a mistress, an impudent woman, who, now taking advantage of her position as a colonel, came to him; that's why he asks to send her away. Florenville, without inquiring whether this was true, promised to fulfill the colonel’s request, and the poor woman received an order that same evening to leave the Bruges camp, for fear of going to prison. The poor woman, in despair from her poverty and from such a barbaric act, told her story to some kind people. The story was short and touching; everything turned out to be fair in her. Her papers were genuine: a marriage contract and the death certificate of the poor gendarme. Someone advised her to contact the Marshal (Davout). “He is rude, but fair,” they told her, “he will force you to do justice.” - ... The Marshal received at the same time both the widow’s request and proof of the justice of her demands. He invited all the colonels of the division where d’Arsenne served to dinner; and this, it seems, was Oudinot’s division. There were 25 people at the table. At the beginning of dinner, as usual, deep silence reigned; suddenly the marshal turned to d’Arsenne: “Colonel! Did you have a brother? The colonel was speechless by this question and especially by the expression with which it was made. - “General...” - “Yes, yes, you had a brother... a kind man... who raised you, sir... taught you to read... in a word, was worthy of respect... Here is his widow...” - “General! She's an adventurer." - “Be silent, dear sir!.. I’m not interrogating you... I’m telling you that your brother’s widow, your daughter-in-law, sir, is waiting for you here, in the greatest poverty... And you dared to drive her away like a whore!.. This is dishonorable, dear sir... I saw her marriage contract, I saw all the evidence... they are legal, genuine... Your act in this case is terrible, Colonel d'Arsenne! The colonel looked at his plate and, to tell the truth, could not do anything better... The man, struck by the powerful words that announced his shame, was pitiful... “Mr. Colonel! - said Marshal Davout. “You must make amends for your wrongdoing and immediately.” You will give your daughter-in-law a pension of one thousand two hundred francs. I promised her this in your name and gave a fourth of the amount in advance: I ask you to return it to me.” “The marshal leaned over, looking at the colonel: “You will take care of your nephews. I take upon myself to ask the emperor to place them in school... And you, dear sir, remember to fulfill all the conditions that I proposed to you... otherwise I will tell the whole incident to the emperor... You can guess whether he will like it.” D’Arsenne was obedient... He awarded his daughter-in-law a pension without insulting her any more and everything was settled.” 27 .
Not only Napoleon, but also the Minister of War, General Berthier, was pleased with Davout’s activities. In his letter to Davout, he writes: “The army you command, citizen general, lives up to the government’s expectations. I saw... your devotion to the First Consul and your tireless zeal, shared by both officers and privates..." 28 .
At the beginning of December 1803, the Order of the Legion of Honor, the highest state order of France, was established, and on the 12th, Grand Chancellor Lacepede wrote to Davout: “The Supreme Council of the Legion of Honor has just appointed you a member of this Legion. It is with pleasure that I hasten to inform you, citizen general, of this sign of respect from the Supreme Council and gratitude from the state.” 29 .
On May 18, 1804, France was proclaimed an Empire, and Napoleon was declared Emperor of the French. The next day, having restored the title of Marshal of France, the Emperor presented the marshal's baton to 18 French generals at once. One of those receiving this new distinction is Divisional General Louis Nicolas Davout.
On May 1, 1804, Davout writes a letter to the First Consul, in which he talks about the mood in the army regarding the proposed title of emperor and asks him to accept this title: “Citizen First Consul ... The army wishes you to accept the title of Emperor of the French (Emperor of the Gauls). This is more a guarantee of our happy future than an honor for you personally. Your name alone is louder than all the titles ever given to those in power. But insofar as you lead a great and brave nation, you must accept the title that belongs to the sovereigns of the most powerful nations... You will take away all hopes from the Bourbons, who have neither virtue nor glory.” 30 .
Having received the rank of marshal, Davout simultaneously took the post of president of the college of voters of the department of Yonne.
Having secured the support of Austria and Russia, England forced Napoleon to abandon his daring plan to invade the British Isles. Instead of a grandiose landing operation, the soldiers of the Grand Army faced a march to the east. According to Dunn-Pattison, "the campaign of 1805 gave the marshal the first opportunity to lead large units of all branches of the army and ... confirm that Napoleon was right in deeming him worthy of the marshal's baton." 31 .
Davout himself, apparently, is pleased with the result achieved by tireless, almost two years of drilling in the Bruges camp and during the campaign that began. In a report to the Minister of War dated September 26, 1805, he reported: “The troops are arriving in excellent spirits, and the best proof of this is the presence of a small number of deserters; they are not at all as tired (of the march) as expected.” 32 .

After the surrender of Mack's army near Ulm, French troops moved against Kutuzov's Russian army. During this forced march, Davout had to endure a stubborn battle with the Austrians near Marienzell (November 8), as a result of which the enemy was defeated and the remnants of the Austrian corps fled from the battlefield.
Without stopping in Vienna, Napoleon with the main forces followed the retreating Russian-Austrian army to Brunn, where one of Napoleon's most famous battles took place on the hilly terrain near the village of Austerlitz. About to give battle, Napoleon sent orders to Bernadotte and Davout, guarding the communications of the Grand Army, to urgently arrive with their forces to the battlefield. Despite the roads muddy from incessant rains, having covered 140 km in just 50 hours, the troops of the 3rd Corps joined the main forces of the Grand Army on the very eve of the battle.
During the battle, Davout's troops, who led the right flank, pinned down the main forces of the enemy, thereby giving Napoleon the opportunity to deliver the main blow to the dominant Pratsen heights, which were captured by the troops of Marshal Soult. After this, a blow was struck to the rear of the left-flank group of the allied army, which was supported by Davout’s troops. Before throwing the regiments of his corps into a counterattack, Corporal Jean-Pierre Blaise, a participant in the Battle of Austerlitz, recalled, “Marshal Davout, who did not leave his place, although the enemy cannonballs began to seriously disturb us, reminded us of the case at Marienzell.” 33 . Assessing the performance of his troops in the battle, Davout wrote in his report: “For most of the day I had to fight both in the center of my positions and on my flanks with extremely strong columns (of the enemy). All units maneuvered, maintaining complete composure, despite the fierce fire of the enemy, and repeatedly engaged the enemy ... " 34 .
In his letter to his wife, the marshal described the results of the battle as follows: “The Russians intended to defeat the Emperor... and attacked us... But the victory remained true to our sovereign; never has it been so complete; the entire Russian army was destroyed, its artillery fell into our hands. They (Russians - S.Z.) fought with bitterness; they left us 15 thousand of their soldiers, who surrendered: the rest of the troops were scattered... Thus, there are no longer any obstacles to concluding peace.” 35 .
And indeed, peace negotiations soon began, and at the end of December the agreement was finally concluded in Pressburg.
However, the real “finest hour” for Davout was the 1806 campaign with its culmination - the battle of Auerstedt, which glorified the “iron marshal” and became, according to Voensky, “the crown of his military glory.” 36 . Near Auerstedt, Davout's 27,000-strong corps came face to face with the main Prussian army, the strength of which is estimated differently - from 54 to 70 thousand people. “The French, outnumbered by the Prussians, formed a square, and throughout the entire day, while Napoleon and the other marshals were crushing the Prussians near Jena, Davout... galloped from square to square, urging his soldiers to hold firm until help arrived.
More than once or twice, the Prussian cavalry and infantry tried to overthrow the French, but the staunch ranks of Davout’s veterans successfully repelled every attack. In the end, the Prussians stopped their attacks, turned their backs on this stubborn man and his immovable squares and hurried in a northerly direction." 37 .
“Auerstedt is one of the few defensive battles that turned into an offensive battle, in which the numerically weaker enemy defeated the strongest (at least twice as strong) enemy.” 38 .
The fifth bulletin of the Grande Armée, dated October 15, 1806, says about Davout and his soldiers: “On our right flank, Marshal Davout’s corps worked miracles; he not only held out, but also fought... with the main enemy army, which was supposed to reach Közen. This marshal showed extraordinary courage and tenacity of character - the first-class qualities of a military man. He was assisted by generals Gudin, Friant, Moran, Doltan - the chief of staff, as well as the army corps, which was unusually fearless in its courage.” 39 .
“His firmness and unshakable will,” wrote the Duchess d’Abrantes, “decided the victory, long disputed by Kalkreuth and Blücher... It seems certain,” she continues, “that the true glory of this day belongs to Marshal Dove.” 40 .
Constantly in the thick of battle, inspiring his soldiers, Davout shouted to them: “The Great Frederick assured that God gives victory to large battalions, but he lied; Only the most persistent win, and you and your commander are just one of them!” 41
“Marshal Davout attacked (the enemy),” Savary wrote, “with fewer forces, in a ratio of one to four... He was able to keep his people on the battlefield only by appearing everywhere in person... The glory that he gained on that day... Davout owed his the greatest valor and trust that he inspired in his troops..." 42 .
In a letter to Murat, Napoleon enthusiastically wrote: “Marshal Davout gave an excellent battle, he alone defeated 60 thousand Prussians.” 43 .
After Auerstedt there was a complete change in public opinion towards Dove. Segur writes the following about this: “An honest, decent and neat man, Davout, no matter how well he had served before and, despite the rank of marshal to which he had risen, was still little known. It seemed that the emperor rewarded him more for personal service and personal devotion than for glory. that was the opinion about him. But on the glorious day of Auerstedt, Davout fully demonstrated his genius and his tenacity, and did not miss the opportunity presented to him. He justified the emperor’s choice and, being little known until that time, became famous.” 44 .
When Napoleon once again, in the presence of Davout, praised the soldiers of the 3rd Corps and their commander, he heard in response: “Sir, we are your tenth legion. Always and everywhere we will be for you what the tenth legion was for Caesar." 45 .
After Auerstedt, Davout's divisional commanders - Generals Gudin, Friant and Morand - received the nickname "immortals" in the Grand Army.
Proof of the “respect and gratitude” for the merits of the 3rd Corps and Marshal Davout himself is the fact that when units of the Grand Army triumphantly enter Berlin, their procession is led by the victors of Auerstedt.
However, hostilities did not end with victory at Jena and Auerstedt. The Russian troops stationed in Poland still had to be defeated.
As before, in the campaign of 1807, Davout commanded the 3rd Corps of the Grand Army, and took part in the battle of Charnovo, Golymin and Heilsberg. In the bloody battle with the Russians at Preussisch-Eylau, Davout’s troops played one of the key roles, not only saving the French army from the defeat that hung over it after the destruction of Augereau’s corps, but also with their actions they brought down the entire left flank of the Russian army, cutting off communications. However, not supported in time by Ney, Davout was forced to retreat under the attack of the approaching fresh forces of Lestocq. Now Davout's position has become dangerous. Neither Ney nor Bernadotte approached, and where they are is unknown. The “Iron Marshal” understands that now the only way out is to hold on at all costs. Never allowing emotions to prevail over him, Davout this time breaks out into a cry: “The brave ones will find a glorious death here, and the cowards will go to the deserts of Siberia!” 46 Now, in fact, his soldiers will not retreat a single step.
In his letter to his wife, the marshal wrote that the battle of February 8 was not like the battles of other campaigns; that the battle, which involved 100 thousand people, did not produce tangible results. “The Emperor, my dear Aimee,” continued Davout, “has spoiled us with his miracles; this day he maneuvered well enough to hope for a result, but storms, very large obstacles and fate decided everything differently. This battle should have been won, but success was limited..." 47
A week after the signing of the Treaty of Peace and Friendship between France and Russia in Tilsit, Davout was appointed Governor-General of the Grand Duchy of Warsaw created by Napoleon. “... Napoleon, who knew his marshals very well, appointed him (Davout) governor of Warsaw,” recalled Countess Anna Potocka, “because he was quite confident in his devotion and morality... The marshal received orders to treat us (i.e., the Poles) as best he could.” as gently as possible, to support our hopes and entertain us..." 48 .
In his post, Davout proved himself not only as an outstanding organizer, but also as a politician. His views on Polish affairs differed in many ways from Napoleon's. The marshal advises the emperor to actually announce to the Poles that France guarantees them the restoration of national independence. This, in his opinion, is the most effective means of attracting all patriotic Poles to Napoleon’s banner. Davout's sympathies for the middle class in Poland and his distrust of the Polish aristocracy grew stronger. While Napoleon showed less and less enthusiasm for Polish independence, Davout continued to be its supporter. Unable to influence many of Napoleon's actions, the “iron marshal” argued that “an ally is more valuable than a slave.”
The first French residents in the Duchy of Warsaw, as well as Davout, being the commander-in-chief of the French troops, sought to support the so-called Polish radicals, or, as they were called, “Jacobins” - Zajonczko, Shaniawski and others. Davout convinced the emperor of the advisability of relying on them. On October 9, he even composed a special note for Napoleon, in which, with his characteristic frankness, he wrote to the emperor that he should not count on the sincere support of the Polish aristocracy, since this class would sell France at the first opportunity. Davout emphasized that the aristocrats would not want to part with their privileges, and, therefore, their eyes were turned not to France, but to Russia. Davout noted in his note to the emperor that it was these middle strata that supported the French revolution, served in Italy, and it was from them that the French army in Poland saw help “when the doors of the palaces were closed.” 49 . It is not for nothing that one of the Russian agents Chernyshev, characterizing Davout, calls him this way: “... a zealous supporter of the Poles, he is a great enemy of the Russians.” 50 .
Marshal Davout correctly understood the mood of the Poles, understood their aspirations, he precisely determined in that atmosphere on whom they could accurately and with full justification rely. That is why he had enormous influence in Poland and had the support of the majority of the population. But Davout did not understand one thing: he did not understand that Napoleon’s views on this and other issues had already undergone significant evolution, and the Napoleonic wars radically changed their social and political content. He did not understand that General Bonaparte had left, and that now there was only Emperor Napoleon.
As governor of the duchy, Davout was in constant contact with the Polish government, which the marshal constantly criticized for its poor organization and functioning. His criticism of the "stupid government" of the Duchy of Warsaw reached its peak by the summer of 1808. In September, the marshal wrote to Napoleon: “I must not hide from Your Majesty the fact that no matter how beautiful the government’s promises ... this government has neither the means, nor the authority, nor the will. It does not want to do anything without consulting the cabinet of the King of Saxony and is not responsible for anything." 51 . The next day, Davout wrote: “It is difficult to imagine the state of disorganization of this country. Not only parliament, but even simple commissions are not subordinate to anyone. Arbitrariness reigns, which leads to outrages that will reach their peak and become unbearable..." 52 . In mid-June, the marshal writes: “I will do everything I can to maintain my patience while remaining cool... I realize that, despite the difficulties, this is absolutely necessary in a country where nothing is organized and where it is unlikely that anything will happen.” organized" 53 .
Napoleon, apparently, was quite satisfied with Davout's activities in the duchy. On March 28, 1808, the emperor granted the marshal the title of Duke of Auerstedt. In addition, the emperor presents the newly created duke with monetary awards. “It is necessary that I give him this,” the emperor said to Count Narbonne, “... because he will not take anything for himself.” 54 . As a result, Davout's income reaches one million francs per year. When someone remarked to Napoleon that he was rewarding Davout more than royally, the emperor replied: “Yes, I gave Davout a lot, but because he himself does not take or ask for anything.” 55 .
True, Abbé de Pradt in his memoirs calls Davout’s actions in Poland as ruthless and repressive and says that the marshal “filled Poland with fear and disgraced the name of the Frenchman.” Let us leave these reasonings of the abbot to his conscience, especially since Polish historians call Davout a friend of the Poles.
At the beginning of the Austrian campaign of 1809, Davout, despite the critical situation, managed to withdraw his entire corps from Regensburg from under attack. During this difficult march, the Duke of Auerstedt defeats the Austrians at Teign. In the following days, April 21-22, his troops, consisting of two divisions, repelled the advance of the main forces of the Austrian army at Eckmühl. In reports to Napoleon, the marshal reported: “The entire enemy army is in front of me and the battle is very lively. I hold my positions and hope to maintain them, but the troops are very tired, and the enemy artillery is three times greater than mine." 69 . Davout's simple and restrained words concealed the desperate tension with which the French had to repel enemy attacks. Despite the lack of strength, Davout did not limit himself to defense. With a series of successful counterattacks, he stopped the Austrians at some points and even forced them to retreat. In the second half of April 22, Napoleon approached Eckmühl with the main forces of the army and drove the enemy back to Regensburg, which was taken by storm the next day.
Having noted Davout's merits in the Battle of Eckmühl on April 20-22, 1809, Napoleon granted him a new distinction - the title of Prince of Eckmühl.
Davout's corps does not take a direct part in the battle of Aspern-Essling. However, largely thanks to the actions of the “iron marshal”, Napoleon manages to avoid complete disaster. When the pontoon bridge, along which reinforcements went to the corps of Masséna and Lannes, who were heavily fighting, was once again destroyed by the Austrians, Davout organized a small flotilla of boats, with the help of which the emperor was able to continue the transfer of ammunition and reinforcements. As Delderfield writes, “Davout, who was about to begin the crossing just as the bridge collapsed, organized impromptu shuttles, sending every keg of gunpowder and every bullet he could lay his hand on to the other side.” 57 .
In the Battle of Wagram, Davout's troops were assigned an important role - to break the resistance of the left wing of the Austrian army, which occupied a very strong position on the Wagram Hill. In addition, the marshal was entrusted with keeping an eye on the situation on the right flank of the French army, where it was quite likely that the troops of Archduke John would appear, coming to the aid of the main Austrian army. On the eve of the battle, Napoleon said, addressing his retinue: “You will see, Davout will win this battle for me too!” 58
The Duke of Auerstedt brilliantly completed the task entrusted to him. During the battle, a horse is killed under him; General Gudin, who was next to Davout, received four wounds. Having broken the resistance of the left wing of the Austrians, commanded by Rosenberg, Davout entered Wagram in battle, threatening the rear of the Austrian army. Meanwhile, the crushing blow of MacDonald's "column" destroyed all chances of Archduke Charles for a more favorable outcome of the entire battle.
After the war with Austria, Davout was appointed governor of the Hanseatic cities and commander of the occupation army in Germany. Its competence includes the strict enforcement of the continental blockade and strict supervision over most of the territory of Prussia. For German cities it was a time of strict censorship and restrictions. For the Germans, Davout became a symbol of extraordinary severity, for which he was nicknamed “Marshall Wuth” in Germany. (“The Fierce Marshal” (German)) and "Robespierre of Hamburg". About the hated Davout in 1813-1814. a whole series of brochures was published in which he was described as a monster, a monster to whom everything human is alien. True, in fairness, it must be said that most of these lampoons contained more lies and fictitious stories than the truth.
Davout was convinced that the continental blockade was a deadly weapon against England, and that it was only a matter of conscientious and accurate execution of the emperor’s plans. He wrote about this to General Friant: “... The decrees of His Majesty must be carried out without exception by everyone, mainly by his soldiers. Long ago the English would have been forced to peace if all the agents who are obliged to carry out the orders of our sovereign had been executory. Unfortunately, corruption leads to non-compliance with these orders... I will not hide that there are still a large number of goods that were not declared; continue your activities with all rigor..." 59 .
In the mind of this stern soldier, even the following concept had formed: the time had come to take revenge on English trade for all the troubles that Cromwell had once caused to French trade: “Starting with Cromwell, the British have relied on the destruction of our maritime trade; they started it even before they declared war on us. They destroyed thousands of families who were not involved in government disputes. We must use our power on the continent to take revenge; this is the only way to force them to abandon forever this injustice at sea ... " 60 .
In the outbreak of the war against Russia, Davout commanded the 1st Army Corps of the Grand Army, numbering, according to various estimates, 69-72 thousand people. Acting against Bagration's army, Davout blocked the Russians' path at Mogilev and, during a stubborn battle, did not allow Bagration to connect with Barclay's army through Mogilev. However, despite this, the two Russian armies still managed to unite in Smolensk.
Subsequently, Davout took part in the assault on Smolensk and in the Battle of Borodino, in which his troops attacked the fortifications of the left flank of the Russian army. During the first attacks on the Semenov flushes, Prince Ekmulsky received a rather severe concussion and was unable to fully control the actions of his troops.
During the retreat from Moscow, Davout was assigned to command the rearguard of the Grand Army. Near Vyazma, his troops were surrounded, but thanks to the help of Eugene Beauharnais, Davout managed to break through the Russian troops, although the corps of Prince Ekmulsky suffered heavy losses. As Caulaincourt recalled in his memoirs: “Yesterday’s behavior of the 1st Corps set a bad example and made a bad and dangerous impression on all the troops.” 61 . Despite the defeat of the rearguard, the Russian participants in this battle praised the French. An active participant in the pursuit of the Grand Army, General Löwenstern wrote: “Davout and the Viceroy covered themselves with glory that day, but they suffered serious losses...” 62 . Prince Ekmulsky himself, describing the events at Vyazma, reported to Marshal Berthier: “On this day, order was restored on the march; but there are 4 thousand people belonging to different regiments of the army... when the enemy attacked, they scattered and sowed confusion in my columns.” 63 .
However, Napoleon was dissatisfied with the way Davout led the rearguard. According to Segur, the emperor complained about the marshal’s slowness, reproaching him for being 5 marches behind him, when he should have been only three behind him; he considered the marshal too much of a theorist to skillfully lead such an irregular campaign. Napoleon entrusted the rearguard to Ney.
In the battle near Krasny, the remnants of Davout’s corps had to once again break through the Russian troops, losing guns, soldiers, and convoys. This was the result of a completely incorrect interpretation of Kutuzov’s actions. As Jomini wrote, “Napoleon, retreating from Smolensk, preferred retreat in echelons to the movement of an entire army and at the same time made the more serious mistake that the enemy pursued him not from behind, but in a transverse direction, almost perpendicular to the middle of his separated corps. Three days of battle near Krasnoye, so disastrous for his army, were the result of this mistake.” 64 .
“The result of this mistake” was that Marshal Ney’s rearguard was cut off from the French army and he had practically no chance of salvation. However, Ney managed to find a way out of the critical situation: he crossed the Dnieper on thin ice and led the remnants of his detachment to Orsha to Napoleon. “Heated by the recent battle and upset by the dangers that threatened the honor of the army,” wrote Count Segur, “Ney placed all the blame on Davout, unfairly reproaching him for abandoning him. When, a few hours later, Davout wanted to apologize to Her (The fact is that back in Smolensk, Davout and Ney had a strong quarrel: the latter reproached Prince Ekmulsky for the fact that all the provisions were eaten by the troops of the 1st Corps. Davout responded sharply that the provisions were eaten by the previous troops. In general, on this issue they were never able to come to an agreement and, irritated with each other, went to their respective buildings), then he received in response only a stern look and the following words: “I, Mister Marshal, do not blame you for anything; God has seen everything, He will judge!” 65 .
Davout did not have much guilt in the critical situation in which Ney found himself. Moreover, Prince Ekmulsky sent him Napoleon’s orders and messages about the latest events, but Ney only replied to all this that “all the Russians in the world with their Cossacks will not prevent him from passing.” Despite this, both Napoleon and the chief of staff, Marshal Berthier, laid all the blame on him. As Caulaincourt wrote: “Napoleon and Berthier blamed the Prince of Eckmühl for the misfortune that everyone feared; they wanted to absolve themselves of the blame for allowing too much delay between the marches of the columns, i.e. for the fact that Ney was supposed to leave Smolensk as part of the rearguard only on November 17.” 66 .
At the end of the Russian campaign, after Napoleon had left for France, what was previously called the Grand Army was commanded by the King of Naples, Joachim Murat. In the Prussian town of Gumbinen, at a military council, a remarkable dialogue takes place between him and Davout. King Joachim, who convened the council, giving vent to his anger against the emperor, exclaimed: “You cannot serve a madman! - he shouted. - Because of him we cannot be saved; no European prince believes his words or his treaties anymore! If I had accepted the English offer, I would have been as great a sovereign as the Austrian Emperor or the Prussian King.” Davout’s exclamation stopped him: “The King of Prussia, the Emperor of Austria are sovereigns by the grace of God, and you, if you are a king, are solely by the grace of Napoleon and the shed French blood. Black ingratitude blinds you" 67 .
Davout immediately told Murat that he would report him to the emperor. Murat was embarrassed; he felt guilty. “Thus the first spark of treason was extinguished,” writes Segur, “which later destroyed France!”
At the very beginning of the 1813 campaign, Prince Eugene, who replaced Murat as commander-in-chief, instructs Davout to defend Dresden. There, however, the Prince of Ekmul only gets to stay for about ten days. The more than brief presence of Louis Nicolas in the Saxon capital was marked by the explosion of the Dresden Bridge. Many contemporaries called the explosion of the bridge a “barbaric action,” without even going into the essence of the matter. In “Letters of a Russian Officer” by F.N. Glinka it is said on this matter: “History will write his (Davout) name on a lead tablet next to the names of Herostratus and Omar.” 68 . The explosion of the bridge, or to be more precise and fair, only one part of it, was carried out out of military necessity in order to delay the rapid advance of the Allied forces. The marshal wrote about this more than once in his letters to both his relatives and Prince Eugene Beauharnais. In a letter to Napoleon dated March 14, 1813, Prince Eckmühl wrote: “... I notified the Saxon king that the Dresden Bridge will be destroyed only in case of military necessity.” 69 . March 15 Davout to the King of Saxony: “... As for the Dresden Bridge, I will do everything in my power to preserve it. However, in case of extreme military necessity, I will have to destroy one part of it to thwart the enemy's plans" 70 . On March 18, Prince Ekmulsky writes to Viceroy Eugene Beauharnais: “... At nine o’clock in the morning I will blow up the bridge. I will take this step because I have an order and military necessity requires it; This deeply upset the Saxon king and the inhabitants." 71 .
On February 24, 1813, an uprising against the French broke out in Hamburg, and on March 12, the head of the garrison, General Cara Saint-Cyr, was forced to evacuate the city.
Napoleon was enraged by the abandonment of Hamburg and sent Davout to suppress the uprising, believing that only such an unyielding warrior could do this. “... I want to retain Hamburg,” the emperor wrote to the marshal, “and not only in the event of indignation of the inhabitants or an attack by field troops, but even when an entire siege corps acts against it.” 72 .
On May 31, Davout's troops entered Hamburg. Despite the marshal's accusations of cruelty during the suppression of the rebellion, none of the residents and the main instigators of the rebellion were harmed, despite the emperor's order to severely punish the city. However, Davout took upon himself the responsibility not to carry out the emperor's most severe measures against the rebellious city. Even the Russian historian Bogdanovich admits the obvious fact that “the prosecution of those responsible for the uprising against the French government was rather weak. Several people were imprisoned, but the police searched so slowly that anyone who wanted to escape had enough time to do so.” 73 . Not only was virtually no one seriously injured, but Davout asked the Emperor to grant amnesty to Hamburg. In a letter to Napoleon dated June 20, 1813, the marshal wrote: “These people (residents of Hamburg - S.Z.) are hostile only because of self-interest, but they are not evil and do not need the strictest examples. I believe that it would be necessary, in the interests of Your Majesty, to punish these people only with money and consign the rest to oblivion." 74 .
There is no doubt that some of Davout's decisions displeased residents and were considered too harsh. However, let's not forget that, firstly, war and hostilities have never been a merciful activity and the first to suffer from wars at any time were civilians; secondly, all of Davout’s actions were subordinated to only one goal - to protect the territory of the Empire (and Hamburg was part of the French Empire) from all enemy attacks. For this purpose, Davout could use even the most severe and unpopular measures, which caused extreme dissatisfaction, and even even contempt for him with all sorts of, sometimes completely unfair, labels.
As Davout put it about the defense of Hamburg in 1813-1814. Desiree Lacroix, she became the true “peak of his military glory” 75 . For almost six months, the “iron marshal” fiercely defends this seaside city from all attacks from land and sea. As Lavisse and Rambaud noted in “History of the 19th Century,” “by the time the coalition triumphed, Davout was the only French commander who remained invincible and in full combat readiness.” 76 .
Napoleon on the island of St. Helena, when the conversation turned to the defense of Hamburg Davout, said that the inhabitants spoke of the marshal with disgust, but added that “when a general is entrusted with the defense of a city with orders to defend it under any circumstances, then in this case it is very difficult get approval from the residents.” Continuing this theme, the exiled emperor said: “I don’t think he has a bad reputation. He never took anything for himself. Of course, he imposed an indemnity (Napoleon imposed an indemnity on Hamburg and Lubeck in the amount of 52 million francs, and the marshal was only the executor of this order of the emperor), but all this was necessary for the needs of the army, especially the besieged ... " 77 .
During the time that Hamburg “defends” Davout, many events are happening in Europe. After Leipzig, Napoleon effectively lost control of Germany. From January 1, 1814, the war raged on the territory of France. The French campaign of 1814 ends with the entry of Allied troops into Paris (March 31, 1814) and Napoleon's abdication (April 6, 1814). On April 14, Bennigsen informs Davout of Napoleon's abdication and the accession of the Bourbon dynasty to the throne. However, Prince Ekmulsky considers this message from the Russian commander a provocation. On April 20, the enemy again made an attempt to convince the intractable marshal about a change of power in France. Davout replied to two Russian parliamentary officers that “Emperor Napoleon does not transmit orders to me through Russian officers.” 78 . On April 28, the marshal’s cousin, Francois, arrived in Hamburg, who brought letters from Davout’s wife, newspapers and verbally confirmed all the worst news. Only then did Davout decide to surrender (but not capitulate) the city. His troops left Hamburg with all their weapons and unfurled banners.
Upon returning home, Davout had to justify his behavior while commanding the Hamburg garrison. In a letter dated June 17, General Dupont, the Minister of War, informed Davout that the king was expressing extreme displeasure with his actions during the defense of Hamburg: “Firstly, you opened fire on the white banner (of the king) after the news of the overthrow of Napoleon and the restoration of the Bourbons to the throne , wrote Du Pont. “They pocketed all the money from the Hamburg Bank and committed arbitrary acts that discredited the name of the Frenchman.” 79 .
Despite the fact that Louis XVIII accepted Davout's explanations and dropped, albeit unofficially, all the charges that had been thrown at the marshal, the verdict remained in force - the Prince of Ecmul was forbidden to appear in Paris and be permanently present in his estate Savigny-sur-Orge.
When in March 1815 Napoleon, who had fled from the island of Elba, landed in the south of France in Juan Bay, Davout decided to join him and went to Paris. “On March 20, just a few hours after Napoleon’s ceremonial entry into the Tuileries, Davout arrived there and offered his services. His appearance was a triumph for the emperor's followers. After all, not a single person in Paris could, pointing a finger at Prince Ekmulsky, say: “Here comes the renegade!” Davout never bowed his head to the Bourbons and would never have bowed his head even if he had witnessed a thousand restorations. He appeared before Napoleon calm and fearless, and he accepted this cold, unsmiling man into his arms. Davout was the only one in this jubilant crowd who could not be bribed, intimidated, flattered or persuaded to betray his oath. He was the only one among a million opportunists and sycophants." 80 .
With the restoration of the empire, Napoleon invites Davout to take the post of Minister of War. However, the Prince of Ekmül is not too attracted by this offer, and he asks the emperor to better provide him with some position in the active army, especially since a new war with the anti-French coalition is inevitable. Napoleon insists: “I cannot entrust Paris to anyone but you.” 81 , - he answers all the marshal’s objections. As Voensky writes on this occasion, “as if some evil spirit prompted Napoleon to reject the services of a man in whom there was an excess of energy, in whose talents he was confident, and who was selflessly devoted to him.” 82 .
Appointed nevertheless against his will as Minister of War, Davout showed his outstanding organizational abilities in this post, literally forming a combat-ready army out of nothing by the beginning of June 1815.
After Napoleon's defeat at the Battle of Waterloo (June 18, 1815) and the Emperor's second abdication, Davout led the French army and the defense of Paris. However, he understood perfectly well that there was no way to defend the city, much less win the war, when all of Europe took up arms against France. On July 3, 1815, he signs the Convention on the Evacuation of Paris. One of the main demands of the Prince of Ekmul when signing this treaty was an article on amnesty for all who contributed to the return of Napoleon and supported him during the Hundred Days.
However, Davout's hope that this convention would be respected by all parties collapsed in the very near future. Neither the Bourbons, nor especially the allies, intended to comply with the agreements. A wave of so-called “white terror” swept across the country, under which everyone who was in one way or another connected with the “usurper” during the Hundred Days fell. The most famous victims of the “White Terror” were Marshals Brun and Ney. The first was torn to pieces by a crowd of royalist fanatics in Avignon, and the last was shot by decision of the court of peers of France. Davout tried his best to save the life of Ney and other military men who were on the so-called proscription lists. But no one listened to him.
Davout also suffers his share of persecution. Despite the fact that the Prince of Eckmüll did not swear allegiance to the king in 1814, and therefore could not be accused of treason, the royalists did not forgive him for supporting Napoleon in March-June, protecting Ney and other military men. The king deprives Davout of the peerage of France, given to him by the “usurper” on June 2, 1815; By order of the monarch, Prince Ekmulsky was deprived of all monetary awards and pensions and forced to go into exile in Louviers.
“But even before his departure to Louviers, Davout commits an act that is probably more remarkable than the defeat of the Prussians at Auerstedt in 1806 or the defense of Hamburg in 1813-1814.” 83 . He writes a letter to Marshal Gouvion Saint-Cyr (the king's minister of war), in which he asks him that all government proscription measures against the military who served Napoleon during the Hundred Days be directed exclusively against him. “This is a mercy that I demand to be shown to me,” writes Davout, “in the interests of the king and the fatherland!” 84

For two years, Davout lived in Louvieres under police supervision. Only in 1816, thanks to the mediation of Marshal MacDonald and the Duke of Daudeville, the king agreed to end Davout's exile and return him to the estate of Savigny-sur-Orge. The reason for the official end of exile was the wedding of the Duke of Berry, a contender for the throne.
Davout's return to his estate did not mean, however, that everything was over. He is still forbidden to come to Paris without special orders from the king. Throughout the summer and autumn of 1816, the marshal went about his business in Savigny. He personally supervises the cutting of trees in the forest and the cultivation of the land, and takes a special interest in the vineyards, planting vines brought from his native Burgundy. True, Davout did not make a good winemaker: the wine that the marshal produced was of such low quality that only he could appreciate its taste.
At the end of August 1817, Davout received a note from the Minister of War, in which he reported that on the coming Sunday after the mass, Davout must take the oath of Marshal of France and receive the marshal's baton from the hands of the king.
On August 31, Davout, arriving in the Tuileries, receives the marshal's baton from the king's hands. This event is the return of Prince Ekmulsky to public life. On February 11, 1819, Davout became a Knight of the Order of St. Louis, and on March 5 of the same year - a peer of France, along with Marshals Lefebvre, Jourdan, Monsey and Suchet.

Louis Nicolas Davout died in his Parisian mansion on the Rue Saint-Dominique on June 1, 1823 from pulmonary tuberculosis. Before his death, Davout said: “I lived the life of an honest man; I die unsullied" 85 .
The solemn funeral service was celebrated at 11 a.m. on June 4 in the Church of Sainte-Valéry, on the left bank of the Seine. The funeral was led by the marshal's son, son-in-law, Count Vigier, as well as his closest relatives: Count Beaumont, General Count Coutard. His military friends and comrades, soldiers and officers came to say goodbye to the “Iron Marshal”. Marshals Jourdan and Mortier, as well as General Belliard and Count Mason, bore ribbons. The funeral was attended by all the marshals who were in Paris, and a large number of members of both chambers. None of the king's highest dignitaries appeared at the funeral: even dead, Davout inspired fear in them.
The funeral procession, consisting of 14 carriages and a military escort of 200 people, marched through the streets of Paris to the Père Lachaise cemetery.
Marshal Davout was buried in the family crypt next to his beloved daughter Josephine and very close to the graves of Marshals Massena and Ney.
Despite some of the emperor's critical statements about his faithful marshal, Napoleon in most cases will speak quite highly of Davout. The Marquise de Blochville, daughter of the marshal, tells us that General Becker, who was entrusted with the security of the ex-emperor and who accompanied Napoleon from Malmaison to Rochefort, paid frequent visits to the marshal's wife, told her that Napoleon, talking to him throughout the trip, said about his defeats and the reasons that caused them, and one afternoon he exclaimed, speaking about Davout: “I am convinced that Davout loved me, but not as much as he loved France.” (“Je croyais que Davout m’aimait, mais il n’aimait que la France”.) 86 .

Applications

1. STAGES OF SERVICE

1785 – cadet at the Paris Military School.
1788 – junior lieutenant of the Champagne cavalry regiment.
1791 – dismissed.
1793 – Lieutenant Colonel of the 3rd Volunteer Battalion of the Yonne Department.
1793 – major of the staff service.
1793 – brigadier general.
1793 – division general (refused the rank).
1793 – retired from the army.
1794 – again in the army with the rank of brigadier general.
1800 – division general. Commander of the cavalry of the Italian Army.
1801 – commander of the grenadiers of the Consular Guard.
1804 – Marshal of France. Chief of the 6th cohort of the Legion of Honor.
1805 - commander of the 3rd Army Corps of the Great Army.
1807 – Governor-General of the Duchy of Warsaw.
1808 – Duke of Auerstedt.
1809 – Prince of Ekmulsky. Commander of the German Army.
1810 – Governor-General of Hamburg and the Hanseatic cities.
1812 - commander of the 1st Corps of the Great Army.
1813 – commander of the 13th Corps.
1815 – Minister of War of France.
1815 – 1816 – in exile.
1817 – accepted into service.
1819 – peer of France.

2. AWARDS

1803 – Legionnaire of the Legion of Honor.
1804 – senior officer of the Legion of Honor.
1805 – Badge of the Grand Eagle of the Legion of Honor.
1806 – Grand Cross of the Order of Christ (Portugal).
1807 – Knight of the Order of the Iron Crown (Italy).
1808 – Grand Cross of the Order of St. Henry (Saxony).
1809 – Grand Cross of the Order of Virtuti Militari (Duchy of Warsaw).
1810 – Grand Cross of the Order of St. Stephen of Hungary.
1819 – Knight of the Order of St. Louis.

3. MARITAL STATUS

1st marriage: wife – Adelaide Seguenot (1768-1795)
2nd marriage: wife – Louise-Aimé-Julie Leclerc (1782-1868)
Children: Paul (1802-1803)
Josephine (1804-1805)
Josephine (1805-1821)
Adele (1807-1885)
Napoleon (1809-1810)
Louis (1811-1813)
Julie (1812-1813)
Adelaide Louisa (1815-1892)

NOTES

1 Headley J.T. Napoleon and his marshals. N.Y., 1850.
2 Egorov A.A. Napoleon's marshals. Rostov n/d., 1998. P. 164.
3 Le Comte Vigier H. Davout maréchal d’Empire, duc d’Auerstaedt, prince d’Eckmühl (1770-1823). P., 1898. T. 1. P. 4.
4 Ibidem.
5 Gallaher J.G. The Iron Marshall. A biography of Louis N. Dabout. Lnd., 1976. P. 10.
6 Delderfield R. F. Napoleon's Marshals. M., 2001. P. 17-18.
7 Right there. pp. 17-19.
8 Shikanov V.N. Constellation of Napoleon: Marshals of the First Empire. M., 1999.
9 Abrantes L. d." Notes of the Duchess Abrantes, or Historical memories of Napoleon, the revolution, the directory, the consulate, the empire and the restoration of the Bourbons. M., 1835-1839. T. 7. pp. 89-90.
10 Egorov A. A. Marshals of Napoleon... P. 172.
11 Gallaher J.G. Op. cit. P. 22.
12 Dunn-Pattison R.P. Napoleon's marshals. Lnd., 1909. P. 164.
13 Hourtoulle F.G. Davout le Terrible. Duc d'Auerstaedt, prince d'Eckmühl. P., 1975. P. 65.
14 Rules, thoughts and opinions of Napoleon on the art of war, military history and military affairs. From his works and correspondence, collected by F. Kauzler. St. Petersburg, 1844. Part 2. pp. 77-78.
15 Abrantes L. d." Decree. Op. T. 7. P. 77.
16 Gallagher J. G. Op. cit. P. 48.
17 Berthier. Notes of Marshal Berthier, Prince of Neuchâtel and Wagram, Chief of the General Staff of the French Army about the Egyptian expedition of Napoleon Bonaparte. M., 1848. Part 2. pp. 113-114.
18 Gallaher J.G. Op. cit. P. 64-65.
19 Egorov A.A. Napoleon's Marshals... P. 190.
20 Abrantes L. d." Decree. Op. T. 5. P. 23.
21 Bourrienne L.A. Notes of G. Burienne, Minister of State, about Napoleon, the directory, the consulate, the empire, the restoration of the Bourbons. St. Petersburg, 1834. T. 2. Part 4. P. 275.
22 Bourrienne L.A. Decree. Op. T. 2. Part 4. P. 274.
23
24 Dedem. Mémoires du général de Dedem de Gelder. 1774-1825. P., 1900. P. 196.
25 Szymanowski. Mémoires du général Szymanowski. P. 1906.
26 Marmont. Mémoires du maréchal Marmont, duc de Raguse. P., 1857. T. 2. P. 193.
27 Abrantes L. d." Decree. Op. T. 7. P. 83-88.
28 Correspondance de maréchal Davout, prince d"Eckmühl, ses commandements, son ministère. 1801-1815. P., 1885. T. 1. P. 82.
29 Le Comte Vigier H. Op. cit. T. 1. P. 128.
30 Gallaher J.G. Op. cit. P. 85-86.
31 Dunn-Pattison R.P. Op. cit. P. 162.
32 Correspondance de maréchal Davout... T. 1. P. 139.
33 Young P. Napoleon's marshals. N.Y., 1973. P. 123.
34 Correspondance de maréchal Davout... T. 1. P. 194.
35 Le Comte Vigier H. Op. cit. T. 1. P. 81.
36 Voensky K.A. Napoleon and his marshals in 1812. M., 1912. P. 35.
37 Delderfield R.F. Napoleon's Marshals... P. 183-184.
38 Egorov A. A. Marshals of Napoleon... P. 213.
39 Fourcart P. Campagne de Prusse. 1806. D'apres les archives de la guerre. P., 1887. P. 619.
40 Abrantes L. d." Decree. Op. T. 9. P. 232.
41 Dunn-Pattison R.P. Op. cit. P. 168.
42 Rovigo. Memoirs of the Duc of Rovigo (M. Savary) written by himself illustrative of his history of the emperor Napoleon. Lnd., 1828. V. 1. Part. 2. P. 186-187.
43 Correspondance de maréchal Davout... T. 1. P. 283.
44 Le Comte Vigier H. Op. cit. T. 1. P. 213.
45 Voensky K.A. Decree. Op. P. 36.
46 Gallaher J.G. Op. cit. P. 147.
47 Le Comte Vigier H. Op. cit. T. 1. P. 250-251.
48 Pototskaya A. Decree. Op. pp. 108-109.
49 Correspondance de maréchal Davout... T. 2. P. 78-81.
50 Myopic marshal. From the report of a military agent in Paris, Colonel A. Chernyshev // Motherland. 1992. No. 6-7. P. 26.
51 Le Comte Vigier H. Op. cit. T. 1. P. 261.
52 Ibidem.
53 Gallaher J.G. Op. cit. P. 160-161.
54 Gallaher J.G. Op. cit. P. 131.
55 Voensky K.A. Decree. Op. P. 44.
56 Correspondance de maréchal Davout... T. 2. P. 486.
57 Delderfield R. F. Napoleon's Marshals... P. 239.
58 Shikanov V.N. Constellation Napoleon...
59 Correspondance de maréchal Davout... T. 3. P. 191-193.
60 Ibidem.
61 Caulaincourt A. Memoirs. Napoleon's campaign against Russia. Smolensk, 1991. pp. 216-217.
62 Hourtoulle F.G. Op. cit. P. 287.
63 Gallaher J.G. Op. cit. P. 261.
64 Jomini. Essays on the art of war. M., 1938. T. 2. P. 60.
65 Segur F. Campaign to Russia. Memoirs of an adjutant. M., 2002. P. 231.
66 Caulaincourt A. Decree. Op. pp. 242-243.
67 Segur F. Decree. Op. pp. 282-283.
68 Glinka F. Letters from a Russian officer. M., 1990. P. 144.
69 Correspondance de maréchal Davout... T. 3. P. 540.
70 Ibidem.
71 Ibid. P. 551.
72 Nechvolodov A. Sketches of the phenomena of war in the view of the commander based on Napoleon’s letters for the summer and autumn of 1813. Warsaw, 1894. P. 22.
73 Bogdanovich M. History of the 1813 War for German Independence according to reliable sources. St. Petersburg, 1863. T. 2. pp. 334-335.
74 d’Avout A. La defense de Hambourg en 1813-1814 // Mémoires de la Societe Bourguignonne de Geographie et d’Histoire. Dijon. 1896. P. 353.
75 Lacroix D. Des Maréchaux de Napoleon. P., s.a. P. 218-219.
76 Lavis E. Rambo A. History of the 19th century. M., 1938. T. 2.
77 Headley J.T. Op. cit.
78 Lacroix D. Op. cit. P. 219.
79 Gallaher J.G. Op. cit. P. 297.
80 Delderfield R. F. Decree. Op. pp. 386-387.
81 Young P. Op. cit. P. 125.
82 Voensky K.A. Decree. Op. P. 43.
83 Egorov A. A. Decree. Op. P. 240.
84 For the full text see: Le Comte Vigier H. Op. cit. T. 2. P. 366-368.
85 Hourtoulle F.G. Op. cit. P. 392.
86 Blocqueville A.-L. de'. Le maréchal Davout, prince d’Eckmühl. Correspondance inédite 1790-1815. P., 1887. P. 182.

Louis Nicolas Davout is one of the best commanders of the Napoleonic wars. He was the only marshal of Napoleon who did not lose a single battle. Let's take a closer look at the biography and achievements of this famous military leader.

Childhood and education

The future commander was born in Burgundy on May 10, 1770 into a noble family. Louis Nicolas was brought up at the military school of the commune of Brienne-le-Château. It is interesting to note that a year before his admission, Napoleon Bonaparte graduated from the same school. True to family tradition, in 1788 Davout began his service in which his father and grandfather had previously served.

French revolution

During the Great French Revolution, an aspiring military man, without thinking twice, decided to defend the positions of the revolutionary people. Since many Bourbon supporters fled or resigned from the army, a large number of vacant positions appeared in it. They were occupied by young officers, and in some cases even ordinary soldiers with leadership abilities. Davout Louis Nicolas became one of many officers who owed their rise to the revolution and the victory over the Bourbons. From 1794 to 1797, Davout fought in the ranks of the Army of the Rhine. However, Davout began his real ascent to the Olympus of military leadership glory under the banner of Bonaparte.

Egyptian expedition

In the period from 1798 to 1801, with the rank of Major General, Davout took part in Napoleon's Egyptian expedition. He was given command of the French cavalry. In the battle for Abukir, which took place on June 25, 1799, the young military leader especially distinguished himself. On that day, the 7,000-strong French army defeated the 15,000-strong army of the Turkish commander. Two-thirds of the enemy army fell on the battlefield, and the rest, along with Mustafa Pasha, surrendered. A small reserve detachment, commanded by Louis Davout, made a huge contribution to this victory. Many historians are inclined to believe that it was in this battle that Bonaparte considered the hero of our conversation to be a fearless and capable military leader.

Despite the fact that the Egyptian expedition was a complete failure for France, it discovered many new names on which Napoleon's military glory later rested. During this battle, General Louis Davout found himself in the inner circle of Bonaparte, who was confidently moving towards the pinnacle of state power.

Marshal rank

Immediately after the Egyptian Expedition, Davout successfully led the Cavalry of Bonaparte's Italian army, which fought the Austrians. In 1804, the hero of the Egyptian expedition and the Italian company of the emperor was awarded the military rank of Marshal of France and the position of adviser to Napoleon.

First successes in corps command

From 1805 to 1814, Marshal Davout headed the army corps. In 1805, his charges performed well at Ulm, where the emperor’s army defeated the Austrian army. Baron Mack von Leiberich, the commander-in-chief of the Austrians, together with a 30,000-strong army was forced to surrender to the enemy, for which he was sentenced to 20 years in prison by a military tribunal.

On October 9, 1805, Davout’s wards successfully crossed the Danube, establishing crossings in the city of Günzburg and its environs. The Austrians defending the Danube city had to retreat after a difficult battle.

Marshal Davout became one of the active participants in the offensive of Bonaparte's army on Vienna. On November 8, at the head of his corps near the city of Mariazell, he won a battle with the Austrian corps led by General von Meerfeld. In this battle, the French managed to take 4 thousand prisoners. This victory became a defining event in the fate of Vienna.

Battle of Austerlitz

On December 2, 1805, a battle took place at Austerlitz, which went down in history as the “Battle of the Three Emperors.” On that day, the French army defeated the allied Russian-Austrian army. The Austerlitz victory was the end for both the Holy Roman Empire. Francis II, the last emperor of the Roman Empire, having concluded peace with Napoleon, became simply the first Roman Emperor. The French military leader Davout also played an important role in the historical collapse of the once powerful empire.

Battle of Jena-Auerstedt

In 1806, Davout's military biography was replenished with new victories. In the Battle of Jena-Auerstedt, which took place between the Napoleonic and Prussian armies on October 14, the marshal was one of the main characters. The battle was divided into two stages. The first took place under Auerstedt, and the second under Jena. Marshal Louis Davout's corps distinguished itself in the first stage.

The marshal was entrusted with command of the first flank of the imperial army. Under his command there were 26 thousand soldiers and 44 guns. The left flank under the leadership of the Duke of Brunswick, which included 54 thousand soldiers and 230 guns, came out against Davout. The balance of forces alone is enough to unambiguously assess the capabilities of the parties. Nevertheless, in a fierce battle, Davout managed not only to defeat the enemy army, but also to kill its leader.

At the Battle of Jena, Napoleon personally led the French army. He completely defeated the army of the Prussian commander Prince Hohenlohe. However, in this battle the balance of forces was almost equal. In total, the French army lost 11 thousand people in the Battle of Jena-Auerstedt, 7 of which occurred in the Battle of Auerstedt.

Aristocratic title

In the same 1806, Davout Louis Nicolas was forced to face Russian troops. On December 24, his corps, together with Napoleon’s army, crossed the Ukra River, and at night attacked a 15,000-strong Russian army near Charnovo. In this battle, the French lost about half as much as the Russians.

Davout's brilliant victory at Auerstedt could not go unnoticed, and Napoleon awarded the commander not only with an order, but also with the honorary title of Duke of Auerstedt. It is worth noting that Napoleon Bonaparte, being from a poor Corsican-Italian noble family, having become Emperor of France, generously bestowed titles on his associates, thereby trying to create a new elite in the state.

Battle of Eckmühl

On April 22, 1809, Napoleonic army again fought with the Austrian army, the command of which was entrusted to Archduke Charles. The Austrians managed to occupy the most advantageous positions on the heights near Eckmühl. Napoleon sent his best corps, including the corps of Marshal Davout, to storm enemy positions. Only after a fierce battle, which more than once turned into hand-to-hand combat, did the French manage to knock the enemy out from the heights. As darkness fell, Archduke Charles withdrew his army to Regensburg. His losses in the Battle of Eckmühl amounted to 11 thousand people out of an army of 76 thousand. Victory in this battle opened up excellent prospects for Napoleon - the Austrian army was divided into two parts. The commanders who played a decisive role in this victory were generously rewarded. So, Davout Louis Nicola received a princely title in addition to the ducal title - he became Prince of Ekmul.

Battle of Wagram

In 1809, Davout again had the opportunity to meet Archduke Charles in battle. This time the battle took place at Wagram. The night before the battle, Napoleon's army crossed the full-flowing Danube through the island of Lobau. The Austrian army, with more than a hundred thousand troops and 452 guns, retreated to Wagram and entrenched itself there. On the evening of July 5, the emperor ordered her Italian army, which was reinforced by the Saxon corps, to attack the enemy. Due to a mistake by the Italians, who mistook the Saxons for the enemy, the order had to be canceled.

The main events unfolded the next day, when Napoleon reorganized his army, which had a numerical superiority over the enemy, into a new battle formation. The corps of Davout and Oudinot worked together against the left wing of the enemy position. The Austrians massively attacked the French from this side, but this did not bring them success. And yet, under enemy pressure, the center and left flank of the French army had to be withdrawn into retreat. By sending reinforcements to the central part of the army in the form of Macdonald's Italian corps and bringing up artillery there, the emperor was able to save the situation. Powerful artillery fire stopped the onslaught of the Austrians. Davout Louis Nicolas, meanwhile, did without reinforcements and, bypassing the left flank of the enemy army, gained the upper hand over it. The marshal managed to get to the rear of the Austrian army and dismember it near Vesiedele. The corps of his comrade Oudinot recaptured Wagram. In the 11th hour battle, Charles lost about 50 thousand people. As a result, he had to retreat towards Moravia.

The victory at Wagram was quite costly for the French. Firstly, Napoleonic army lost 32 thousand soldiers. Secondly, after this battle, Great Britain and the Russian Empire entered the war against Napoleonic France.

March on Russia

The French emperor was not afraid of the European coalition of monarchs created against him. In 1812, Russia was left alone - former allies in the anti-Napoleonic battles, Austria and Prussia, were forced to become allies

On July 12, Napoleon's army, having crossed the Neman River, invaded the Russian Empire. Before superior enemy forces, the Russian armies had to flee, avoiding battle. By giving battle one by one, they practically ensured complete defeat for themselves.

Marshal Davout's corps was sent to help the army of Jerome Bonaparte, which was pursuing the second Russian Western Army of General Bagration, retreating from Volkovysk to the southeast. With a skillful maneuver, the Russian commander-in-chief withdrew his troops from under the enemy’s double attack, as a result of which both French marshals found themselves catching up. When Bagration's army began to cross the Neman, the French commanders made another unsuccessful attempt to encircle it. Having foreseen the enemy's plans, General Bagration turned to Minsk.

At Mogilev, Davout's corps encountered a pursued army, approaching the city before the enemy. The Russian Second Western Army was once again cut off from the First Western Army of General Barclay de Tolly, retreating to the north. In this situation, Bagration had no choice but to delay the further advance of the enemy. He instructed the corps of General Raevsky to do this.

The vanguard units of Davout's corps met with Raevsky's regiments near the village of Saltanovka. In the battle near Saltanovka, the Russians managed to fetter the aspirations of the French, and Bagration’s army again escaped the attack of the imperial army. This time it headed towards Smolensk.

Near Smolensk, the 1st and 2nd Western armies of the Russians united. On August 4, the Battle of Smolensk (War of 1812) began, in which Davout’s corps also took part. One of his divisions, led by Guden, was able to distinguish itself in the battle of Valutina Gora, attacking the detachment of Major General Tuchkov III. The latter was seriously wounded and captured.

During the Battle of Borodino, according to the emperor's disposition, Davout's corps stood right in the center of the army. The center was responsible for the main attack of Napoleonic army. He had to take possession of the Russian field fortifications, which went down in military history as Bagration's flushes.

According to the tradition that Napoleon started, before a big battle, the soldiers of his empire wore full dress uniform. On August 26, 1812, at dawn, a powerful artillery attack began from two sides. At about 6 o'clock in the morning the French began to massively storm the flushes. Davout's two divisions aimed at the southern flush. Despite the numerical advantage of the French, the Russians still managed to repulse the attack.

By 7 o'clock in the morning, Davout's corps had put itself in order and resumed the onslaught. This time he managed to capture the southern flush. However, a bayonet attack by several infantry battalions, which Bagration directed against this flush, made it possible to knock the French out of the fortification. Then Napoleon sent Murat's cavalry, Ney's corps and other troops to help Davout. The French broke into the right and left flushes, but a massive Russian counterattack again drove them out of there. The attacks on that day followed one after another...

During Davout's retreat, Louis Nicola led its rearguard, which constantly had to fight off the Cossacks and soldiers of General Miloradovich. On October 22, near Vyazma, the Russians blocked the enemy rearguard's road to the West. Despite the fact that Davout's army received reinforcements, the Russians defeated him. On that day, Napoleonic army lost about 8 thousand soldiers. After the defeat at Vyazma, the emperor replaced the “iron marshal” (as Davout was called in his homeland) as commander of the army rearguard with Marshal Neem.

Davout's corps suffered another major loss from the Russian army in the battle near the village of Krasnoye, which took place from November 3 to 6. The French retreating from Smolensk wanted to break away from Russian pursuit and go to the Berezina River. After this battle, Marshal Davout's corps existed only in documents.

Defeat of France

Davout was not among Napoleon's marshals who surrendered Paris to the Allies. In 1813 and 1814 he fought in northern Germany defending Hamburg from Russian and Prussian siege. Despite the fact that the siege took place without fierce attacks and bombings, the Hamburg garrison still laid down its arms in front of the allies.

When Napoleonic France suffered military and political defeat, Davout Louis Nicolas, whose biography was always associated with Napoleon, remained faithful to him. And even when he was in exile on the island of Elba, Davout did not abandon his views. When Napoleon, having landed in the south of the country, began a victorious march to Paris, Louis Davout joined him. During the “hundred days” he served as the Minister of War of France.

When the Bourbons returned to power, Davout enjoyed great popularity in the country, and especially in the army. He, like the rest of Napoleon's marshals, lost all his ranks and titles, but not for long - in 1817, in order to avoid irritation in society, all his previous titles and ranks were returned to him. Two years later, Davout managed not only to gain the favor of the authorities, but also to become a peer of France.

Military service Years of service: 1788-1815 Affiliation: First Empire Type of army: Infantry, Cavalry Rank: Marshal of the Empire,
Colonel General of the Foot Grenadiers of the Imperial Guard Commanded: 3rd Arm. body (1805-08),
Army of the Rhine (1808-09),
3rd Arm. body (1809-10),
1st Arm. body (1812-13) Battles: Revolutionary Wars: Awards:

Born in a Burgundian town Anna in a noble family, he was the eldest of the children of cavalry lieutenant Jean-François d'Avout (Jean-François d'Avout; 1739-1779) and Francoise-Adelaide Minard de Velar ( Françoise-Adelaide Minard de Velars; 1741-1810). Other children: Julie (1771-1846; wife of the Count of Empire Marc-Antoine de Beaumont), Louis Alexandre Davout(1773-1820; brigadier general and baron of the Empire) and Charles-Isidore (1774-1854).

Awards

• Order of the Legion of Honour, large eagle (2.02.1805)
• Legion of Honor, Grand Officer (06/14/1804)
• Order of the Legion of Honour, legionnaire (12/11/1803)
• Order of Saint Louis (02/10/1819)
• Military Order of Maria Theresa
• Royal Hungarian Order of St. Stephen, Grand Cross (Austria, 04/04/1810)
• Military Order of Maximilian Joseph, Grand Cross (Kingdom of Bavaria)
• Order of the White Eagle (Duchy of Warsaw, 04/17/1809)
• Order of Virtuti Militari, Grand Cross (Duchy of Warsaw, 04/17/1809)
• Order of the Elephant (Denmark)
• Order of the Iron Crown (Kingdom of Italy)
• Order of Christ, Grand Cross (Portugal, 02/28/1806)
• Military Order of St. Henry, Grand Cross (Kingdom of Saxony, 04/16/1808)

Characteristic

In fiction

Davout is one of the characters in L.N. Tolstoy’s novel “War and Peace”. Tolstoy characterizes him this way:

In fact, L.-N. Davout lost his marshal's regalia only once, in 1812. Nowadays this trophy is in the collection of the Historical Museum in Moscow. The loss of the staff in 1807 is not confirmed by documents (then the Cossacks captured Ney’s train, not Davout’s). "Davout's Baton", now kept in the State Hermitage, is a copy, slightly different in size from the original marshal's baton.

Family

Was married twice. He first married in 1791 to Adelaide Séguenot (c. 1768 - 1795), but divorced her in 1794. In 1801 he married Louise Leclerc (Louise Aimée Julie Leclerc; 1782-1868), sister of General Leclerc (Pauline Bonaparte's first husband).

Children (all from second marriage):

1. Paul (1802-1803)
2. Josephine (1804-1805)
3. Antoinette Josephine (1805-1821)
4. Adele Napoleon (1807-1885); wife of Count Etienne Cambaceres (1804-1878; nephew of the Duke of Parma)
5. Napoleon (1809-1810)
6. Napoleon-Louis (1811-1853), 2nd Duke of Auerstedt, 2nd and last Prince of Eckmuhl, peer of France, mayor of Savigny-sur-Orge (like his father earlier), never married
7. Jules (1812-1813)
8. Adelaide Louise (1815-1892; by marriage - Marquise de Blocqueville), prose writer, poet, author of historical books about her father

In 1864, the title of Duke of Auerstedt was revived for the marshal's nephew - the son of Charles-Isidore d'Avou - Leopold, whose descendants bear it to this day.

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Notes

Literature

• Chenier Davout, duc d'Auerstaedt. - P., 1866.
• Marquise de Blocqueville(Davout's daughter). Le Maréchal Davout raconté par les siens et lui-même. - P., 1870-1880, 1887.
• John G. Gallagher. The Iron Mashal - a biography of Louis N. Davout. - L.: The Greenhill Books, 2000.
• Chinyakov M.K.

Links

• // Encyclopedic Dictionary of Brockhaus and Efron: in 86 volumes (82 volumes and 4 additional). - St. Petersburg. , 1890-1907.
• // Gimry - Marine engines. - St. Petersburg. ; [M.]: Type. t-va I.V. Sytin, 1912. - P. 569-570. - (Military Encyclopedia: [in 18 volumes] / edited by K. I. Velichko [et al.]; 1911-1915, vol. 8).
• Zakharov S.
• Zakharov S.

Predecessor: Henri Clark

French Minister of War March 20 – July 7

Successor: Laurent Gouvion-Saint-Cyr

Commander-in-Chief Adjutants General Court ranks Staff ranks Guard ranks Army corps ranks Reserve cavalry ranks

Commander-in-Chief Northern group Left flank group Central grouping Right flank group Southern group Second echelon

Head of State Secretary of State Foreign Secretary Minister of War Minister of Military Administration Secretary of the Navy and Colonies Minister of Internal Affairs Minister of Police Minister of Justice Minister of Finance Minister of the Treasury Minister of Manufactures and Commerce Minister of Religious Affairs

Excerpt characterizing Davout, Louis Nicolas

He looked at her without moving, and saw that after her movement she needed to take a deep breath, but she did not dare to do this and carefully took a breath.
In the Trinity Lavra they talked about the past, and he told her that if he were alive, he would forever thank God for his wound, which brought him back to her; but since then they never spoke about the future.
“Could it or could it not have happened? - he thought now, looking at her and listening to the light steel sound of the knitting needles. - Was it really only then that fate brought me so strangely together with her that I might die?.. Was the truth of life revealed to me only so that I could live in a lie? I love her more than anything in the world. But what should I do if I love her? - he said, and he suddenly groaned involuntarily, according to the habit that he acquired during his suffering.
Hearing this sound, Natasha put down the stocking, leaned closer to him and suddenly, noticing his glowing eyes, walked up to him with a light step and bent down.
- You are not asleep?
- No, I’ve been looking at you for a long time; I felt it when you came in. No one like you, but gives me that soft silence... that light. I just want to cry with joy.
Natasha moved closer to him. Her face shone with rapturous joy.
- Natasha, I love you too much. More than anything else.
- And I? “She turned away for a moment. - Why too much? - she said.
- Why too much?.. Well, what do you think, how do you feel in your soul, in your whole soul, will I be alive? What do you think?
- I'm sure, I'm sure! – Natasha almost screamed, taking both his hands with a passionate movement.
He paused.
- How good it would be! - And, taking her hand, he kissed it.
Natasha was happy and excited; and immediately she remembered that this was impossible, that he needed calm.
“But you didn’t sleep,” she said, suppressing her joy. – Try to sleep... please.
He released her hand, shaking it; she moved to the candle and sat down again in her previous position. She looked back at him twice, his eyes shining towards her. She gave herself a lesson on the stocking and told herself that she wouldn't look back until she finished it.
Indeed, soon after that he closed his eyes and fell asleep. He did not sleep for long and suddenly woke up in a cold sweat.
As he fell asleep, he kept thinking about the same thing he had been thinking about all the time - about life and death. And more about death. He felt closer to her.
"Love? What is love? - he thought. – Love interferes with death. Love is life. Everything, everything that I understand, I understand only because I love. Everything is, everything exists only because I love. Everything is connected by one thing. Love is God, and to die means for me, a particle of love, to return to the common and eternal source.” These thoughts seemed comforting to him. But these were just thoughts. Something was missing in them, something was one-sided, personal, mental - it was not obvious. And there was the same anxiety and uncertainty. He fell asleep.
He saw in a dream that he was lying in the same room in which he was actually lying, but that he was not wounded, but healthy. Many different faces, insignificant, indifferent, appear before Prince Andrei. He talks to them, argues about something unnecessary. They are getting ready to go somewhere. Prince Andrey vaguely remembers that all this is insignificant and that he has other, more important concerns, but continues to speak, surprising them, some empty, witty words. Little by little, imperceptibly, all these faces begin to disappear, and everything is replaced by one question about the closed door. He gets up and goes to the door to slide the bolt and lock it. Everything depends on whether he has time or not time to lock her. He walks, he hurries, his legs don’t move, and he knows that he won’t have time to lock the door, but still he painfully strains all his strength. And a painful fear seizes him. And this fear is the fear of death: it stands behind the door. But at the same time, as he powerlessly and awkwardly crawls towards the door, something terrible, on the other hand, is already, pressing, breaking into it. Something inhuman - death - is breaking at the door, and we must hold it back. He grabs the door, strains his last efforts - it is no longer possible to lock it - at least to hold it; but his strength is weak, clumsy, and, pressed by the terrible, the door opens and closes again.
Once again it pressed from there. The last, supernatural efforts were in vain, and both halves opened silently. It has entered, and it is death. And Prince Andrei died.
But at the same moment as he died, Prince Andrei remembered that he was sleeping, and at the same moment as he died, he, making an effort on himself, woke up.
“Yes, it was death. I died - I woke up. Yes, death is awakening! - his soul suddenly brightened, and the veil that had hitherto hidden the unknown was lifted before his spiritual gaze. He felt a kind of liberation of the strength previously bound in him and that strange lightness that has not left him since then.
When he woke up in a cold sweat and stirred on the sofa, Natasha came up to him and asked what was wrong with him. He did not answer her and, not understanding her, looked at her with a strange look.
This was what happened to him two days before the arrival of Princess Marya. From that very day, as the doctor said, the debilitating fever took on a bad character, but Natasha was not interested in what the doctor said: she saw these terrible, more undoubted moral signs for her.
From this day on, for Prince Andrei, along with awakening from sleep, awakening from life began. And in relation to the duration of life, it did not seem to him slower than awakening from sleep in relation to the duration of the dream.

There was nothing scary or abrupt in this relatively slow awakening.
His last days and hours passed as usual and simply. And Princess Marya and Natasha, who did not leave his side, felt it. They did not cry, did not shudder, and lately, feeling this themselves, they no longer walked after him (he was no longer there, he left them), but after the closest memory of him - his body. The feelings of both were so strong that the external, terrible side of death did not affect them, and they did not find it necessary to indulge their grief. They did not cry either in front of him or without him, but they never talked about him among themselves. They felt that they could not put into words what they understood.
They both saw him sink deeper and deeper, slowly and calmly, away from them somewhere, and they both knew that this was how it should be and that it was good.
He was confessed and given communion; everyone came to say goodbye to him. When their son was brought to him, he put his lips to him and turned away, not because he felt hard or sorry (Princess Marya and Natasha understood this), but only because he believed that this was all that was required of him; but when they told him to bless him, he did what was required and looked around, as if asking if anything else needed to be done.
When the last convulsions of the body, abandoned by the spirit, took place, Princess Marya and Natasha were here.
– Is it over?! - said Princess Marya, after his body had been lying motionless and cold in front of them for several minutes. Natasha came up, looked into the dead eyes and hurried to close them. She closed them and did not kiss them, but kissed what was her closest memory of him.
“Where did he go? Where is he now?..”

When the dressed, washed body lay in a coffin on the table, everyone came up to him to say goodbye, and everyone cried.
Nikolushka cried from the painful bewilderment that tore his heart. The Countess and Sonya cried out of pity for Natasha and that he was no more. The old count cried that soon, he felt, he would have to take the same terrible step.
Natasha and Princess Marya were also crying now, but they were not crying from their personal grief; they wept from the reverent emotion that gripped their souls before the consciousness of the simple and solemn mystery of death that had taken place before them.

The totality of causes of phenomena is inaccessible to the human mind. But the need to find reasons is embedded in the human soul. And the human mind, without delving into the innumerability and complexity of the conditions of phenomena, each of which separately can be represented as a cause, grabs the first, most understandable convergence and says: this is the cause. In historical events (where the object of observation is the actions of people), the most primitive convergence seems to be the will of the gods, then the will of those people who stand in the most prominent historical place - historical heroes. But one has only to delve into the essence of each historical event, that is, into the activities of the entire mass of people who participated in the event, to be convinced that the will of the historical hero not only does not guide the actions of the masses, but is itself constantly guided. It would seem that it is all the same to understand the significance of the historical event one way or another. But between the man who says that the peoples of the West went to the East because Napoleon wanted it, and the man who says that it happened because it had to happen, there is the same difference that existed between the people who argued that the earth stands firmly and the planets move around it, and those who said that they do not know what the earth rests on, but they know that there are laws governing the movement of it and other planets. There are no and cannot be reasons for a historical event, except for the only cause of all reasons. But there are laws that govern events, partly unknown, partly groped by us. The discovery of these laws is possible only when we completely renounce the search for causes in the will of one person, just as the discovery of the laws of planetary motion became possible only when people renounced the idea of ​​\u200b\u200bthe affirmation of the earth.

After the Battle of Borodino, the enemy’s occupation of Moscow and its burning, historians recognize the most important episode of the War of 1812 as the movement of the Russian army from the Ryazan to the Kaluga road and to the Tarutino camp - the so-called flank march behind Krasnaya Pakhra. Historians attribute the glory of this ingenious feat to various individuals and argue about who, in fact, it belongs to. Even foreign, even French historians recognize the genius of the Russian commanders when speaking about this flank march. But why military writers, and everyone after them, believe that this flank march is a very thoughtful invention of some one person, which saved Russia and destroyed Napoleon, is very difficult to understand. In the first place, it is difficult to understand wherein lies the profundity and genius of this movement; for in order to guess that the best position of the army (when it is not attacked) is where there is more food, it does not require much mental effort. And everyone, even a stupid thirteen-year-old boy, could easily guess that in 1812 the most advantageous position of the army, after the retreat from Moscow, was on the Kaluga road. So, it is impossible to understand, firstly, by what conclusions historians reach the point of seeing something profound in this maneuver. Secondly, it is even more difficult to understand exactly what historians see as the salvation of this maneuver for the Russians and its detrimental nature for the French; for this flank march, under other preceding, accompanying and subsequent circumstances, could have been disastrous for the Russians and salutary for the French army. If from the time this movement took place, the position of the Russian army began to improve, then it does not follow from this that this movement was the reason for this.
This flank march not only could not have brought any benefits, but could have destroyed the Russian army if other conditions had not coincided. What would have happened if Moscow had not burned down? If Murat had not lost sight of the Russians? If Napoleon had not been inactive? What if the Russian army, on the advice of Bennigsen and Barclay, had given battle at Krasnaya Pakhra? What would have happened if the French had attacked the Russians when they were going after Pakhra? What would have happened if Napoleon had subsequently approached Tarutin and attacked the Russians with at least one tenth of the energy with which he attacked in Smolensk? What would have happened if the French had marched on St. Petersburg?.. With all these assumptions, the salvation of a flank march could turn into destruction.
Thirdly, and the most incomprehensible, is that people who study history deliberately do not want to see that the flank march cannot be attributed to any one person, that no one ever foresaw it, that this maneuver, just like the retreat in Filyakh, in the present, was never presented to anyone in its entirety, but step by step, event by event, moment by moment, flowed from a countless number of very diverse conditions, and only then was presented in all its entirety when it was completed and became the past.
At the council in Fili, the dominant thought among the Russian authorities was a self-evident retreat in a direct direction back, that is, along the Nizhny Novgorod road. Evidence of this is that the majority of votes at the council were cast in this sense, and, most importantly, the well-known conversation after the council of the commander-in-chief with Lansky, who was in charge of the provisions department. Lanskoy reported to the commander-in-chief that food for the army was collected mainly along the Oka, in the Tula and Kaluga provinces, and that in the event of a retreat to Nizhny, food supplies would be separated from the army by the large Oka River, through which transportation in the first winter was impossible. This was the first sign of the need to deviate from what had previously seemed the most natural direct direction to Nizhny. The army stayed further south, along the Ryazan road, and closer to the reserves. Subsequently, the inaction of the French, who even lost sight of the Russian army, concerns about protecting the Tula plant and, most importantly, the benefits of getting closer to their reserves, forced the army to deviate even further south, onto the Tula road. Having crossed in a desperate movement beyond Pakhra to the Tula road, the military leaders of the Russian army thought to remain near Podolsk, and there was no thought about the Tarutino position; but countless circumstances and the appearance again of French troops, who had previously lost sight of the Russians, and battle plans, and, most importantly, the abundance of provisions in Kaluga, forced our army to deviate even more to the south and move to the middle of the routes for its food supply, from the Tula to the Kaluga road, to Tarutin. Just as it is impossible to answer the question of when Moscow was abandoned, it is also impossible to answer when exactly and by whom it was decided to go to Tarutin. Only when the troops had already arrived at Tarutin as a result of countless differential forces, then people began to assure themselves that they had wanted this and had long foreseen it.

The famous flank march consisted only in the fact that the Russian army, retreating straight back in the opposite direction of advance, after the French offensive had ceased, deviated from the direct direction initially adopted and, not seeing pursuit behind itself, naturally moved in the direction where it attracted by an abundance of food.
If we were to imagine not brilliant commanders at the head of the Russian army, but simply one army without leaders, then this army could not do anything other than move back to Moscow, describing an arc from the side on which there was more food and the edge was more abundantly.

Marshal of France, Duke of Auerstedt, Prince of Eckmühl, French Minister of War, participant in the revolutionary and Napoleonic wars Louis-Nicolas Davout (Louis-Nicolas Davout) was born on May 10, 1770 in the family castle of Annou in Burgundy. He belonged to an old, poor Burgundian noble family, known since the 13th century.

In 1779, Louis-Nicolas was sent to the royal military school in the French city of Auxerre.

In 1788, after graduating from the Royal Military School of Paris, Davout entered military service as a junior lieutenant in the Champagne Cavalry Regiment.

In 1789, during the French Revolution, Louis-Nicolas Davout went over to the side of the rebels.

In 1794-1797, Davout served in the Army of the Rhine with the rank of brigadier general.

In 1798-1799 he participated in the Egyptian expedition of Napoleon Bonaparte (1798-1801), commanded the cavalry, whose active actions played an important role in the battles for Cape Abukir (1799).

In 1800-1801, Davout commanded the cavalry of Napoleon Bonaparte's Italian army.

In 1804, after Napoleon's coronation, he became Marshal of France.

Davout's military talent was clearly demonstrated in the Russian-Austro-French campaign of 1805-1807, when he commanded the elite 3rd Corps of the French army. The victories of the French at Ulm (now a city in Germany) and (now the Czech city of Slavkov u Brna) in 1805 are associated with his name. In 1806, Davout's 26,000-strong corps defeated the Duke of Brunswick's twice as large army at Auerstedt (now a city in Germany). In 1807, troops under the command of Davout participated in (now the city of Bagrationovsk, Kaliningrad region of the Russian Federation).

In 1813, Davout fought at Leipzig (a city in Germany), then led the defense of Hamburg (a city in Germany) and capitulated only after Napoleon's abdication in 1814.

During the “hundred days” (the period between the first and second restoration of the Bourbon dynasty), Davout again stood under the banner of Napoleon, was appointed Minister of War, and commanded the troops of the Paris district.

After the defeat at Waterloo (now a locality in Belgium), Louis-Nicolas Davout signed the capitulation of Paris on July 3, 1815, and stood at the head of the remnants of Napoleon's army in the Loire Valley until peace terms were agreed upon.

Davout did not recognize the legitimacy of the restoration of the Bourbon dynasty, for which the king deprived him of ranks and titles. Only in August 1817 did reconciliation take place, the marshal was forgiven and gained access to the court of Louis XVIII.

In 1819, Davout received the title of peer of France.

On June 1, 1823, Louis-Nicolas Davout died in his Parisian mansion on Rue Saint-Dominique from pulmonary tuberculosis.

Marshal Dove was characterized by personal courage and fearlessness in attack, complete self-control and endurance in moments of danger, perseverance and steadfastness in defense.

He was awarded many awards from France and other countries. In 1803, Davout became a legionnaire, and in 1804, the highest officer of the French Legion of Honor. In 1805, the marshal was awarded the Grand Eagle of the Legion of Honor. He was awarded the Grand Cross of the Portuguese Order of Christ (1806), the Grand Cross of the Saxon Order of St. Henry (1808), the Grand Cross of the Order of the Duchy of Warsaw "Virtuti Militari" (1809), the Grand Cross of the Hungarian Order of St. Stephen (1810). Davout was a Knight of the Italian Order of the Iron Crown (1807) and the French Order of Saint Louis (1819).

Louis-Nicolas Davout was married to Adelaide Seguenot (1768-1795). At Napoleon's choice, Davout remarried the sister of Bonaparte's son-in-law, Louise-Aimoy-Julie Leclerc (1782-1868). There were eight children in the family - four of them died in infancy, the beloved daughter Josephine (1805-1821) died at the age of 16, the son Napoleon-Louis (1811-1853), as well as daughters Adele (1807-1885) and Adelaide Louise ( 1815-1892).

(Additional