with Great Britain and China.
At the end of the 20s, the international position of the USSR deteriorated sharply. The initiator of the anti-Soviet campaign was Great Britain, in which at that moment the Conservative government was in power (Treasury Minister Churchill, Home Secretary Hicks, Foreign Secretary Chamberlain, Prime Minister Baldwin, Minister for India Birkinhead). The following accusations were brought against the USSR:
- interference in China's internal affairs;
- providing material and moral support to English workers during the general strike and miners' strike in England, which began on May 1, 1926;
- violation of the 1921 Anglo-Soviet trade agreement.
In this regard, in June 1926, the Soviet government was handed a note on intervention in the internal affairs of England, in connection with the assistance of the All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions to English miners (officially, from May 1926 to March 1, 1927, 16 million rubles were received into the fund to help English workers ., which were transferred to the Federation of Miners of Great Britain on behalf of the All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions, and not the Soviet government); On February 23, 1927, another note from the British government followed, accusing the USSR of violating the Anglo-Soviet trade agreement. In a response note dated February 26, 1927, the Soviet government denied the accusation. On May 12, 1927, the building of ARCOS and the USSR trade delegation was occupied by an armed detachment of British police, who carried out a thorough search for several days. Soviet diplomats present in ARCOS were detained; some trade delegation workers were beaten. Materials found, according to the British side, in ARCOS and compromising the USSR were published, but the British government refused the Labor opposition's offer to hand over the documents for verification to a parliamentary commission. On May 17, 1927, in response to the actions of the British authorities, the Soviet government issued a note of protest. The British government, in a response note dated May 27, 1927, broke off diplomatic relations and annulled the 1921 trade agreement. On May 28, 1927, in its next note, the Soviet government rejected all accusations from the British side against it. However, the resumption of diplomatic relations followed only on October 3, 1929, when Labor came to power in England.
- persecution of religion on the territory of the USSR. In February 1930, the Pope issued a call for a “crusade” against the USSR. At the end of the 20s. The head of the Anglican Church, the Archbishop of Canterbury, advocated intervention.
- the use of “forced labor” in the USSR. In particular, the British government proposed conducting a survey of the working conditions of forest workers.
- implementation of dumping policy- throwing goods onto the international market at prices below their cost to disrupt the economy of capitalist countries; those. Essentially, it was an accusation of involvement in provoking the economic crisis that erupted in capitalist countries in the late 20s and early 30s.
Along with Great Britain, other capitalist powers joined the anti-Soviet campaign.
At the end of 1929, an “advisory committee” was created in France to regulate trade with the USSR. Seizures began to be placed on valuables belonging to the Soviet trade mission in France.
In July 1930, the United States was the first to introduce discriminatory measures against Soviet exports.
On October 3, 1930, the French government issued a decree introducing a licensing system for the import of a number of Soviet goods (timber, flax, bread, sugar, molasses, glue, gelatin, stearin, meat, etc.). Yugoslavia, Hungary, Romania, Belgium and others also boycotted Soviet goods.
On October 20, 1930, the Council of People's Commissars issued a resolution on economic relations with countries that had established a special restrictive regime for trade with the USSR: it was decided to stop or minimize orders and purchases in these countries, stop using the transport services of these countries, and establish special restrictive rules for transit goods , going to or coming from such countries, etc.
On July 16, 1931, the French government repealed the decree of October 3, 1920, but already on July 18, 1931, it passed a law to increase customs tariffs and introduced import quotas for main import items, and no contingents were allocated for the USSR for most goods.
In the second half of the 20s. Relations between the USSR and China became more complicated. Back in February 1923, a revolutionary government led by Sun Yat-sen was formed in Canton, recognized only by the USSR. In 1926, the National Revolutionary Army of China began a revolutionary campaign from the South to the North. The USSR provided her with weapons and ammunition. In addition, Soviet military specialists led by V.K. were sent to China. Blucher, who took an active part in developing plans for the revolutionary campaign.
In turn, in March 1927, the capitalist powers provided support to the Beijing government.
On April 6, 1927, armed police and soldiers of the Beijing government broke into the Soviet embassy in Beijing, searched it and arrested some diplomatic employees. British officers also took part in the raid. Provocative raids were also carried out on Soviet consulates in Shanghai and Tianjin. According to the Chinese side, documents were found during searches. indicating USSR interference in the internal affairs of China.
On July 10, 1929, the troops of the militarist Zhang Xue-liang, with the knowledge of Chiang Kai-shek, seized the CER telegraph and arrested over 200 Soviet citizens working on this road (the CER, in accordance with the 1924 agreement, was jointly controlled by the USSR and China). The USSR was forced to recall its representatives from China, suspend railway communications with it and demand the recall of Chinese representatives from the USSR. One provocation after another followed on the Soviet-Chinese border.
In mid-November 1929, Mukden and White Guard troops invaded Soviet territory in Primorye and Transbaikalia. Special Far Eastern Army under the command of V.K. Blucher repelled the raid and pursued the raiders already on Chinese territory.
The position of the USSR in the system of international unions and agreements in the late 20s. it was also very difficult.
In October 1925, a conference was held in Locarno, in which England, Germany, France, Italy, Belgium, Czechoslovakia and Poland took part. The final document of the conference - the Rhine Pact - guaranteed the borders of Germany's western neighbors, essentially denying guarantees to its eastern neighbors. Thus, the Locarno Agreement was directed primarily against the USSR, but at the same time it undermined the security of Poland and Czechoslovakia. At the same time, Germany was included in the League of Nations.
In the current situation, Soviet diplomacy was forced to seek guarantees for its borders in bilateral treaties on neutrality and mutual non-aggression with neighboring powers. The following agreements were signed:
Relations with Poland were not easy either. On June 7, 1927, the Soviet plenipotentiary in Poland P.L. was killed by a Russian White Guard, a Polish citizen B. Koverda. Voikov. In April 1930, an attempt was made to blow up the building of the Soviet embassy in Warsaw.
In the early 1930s. The international position of the USSR gradually stabilized. Diplomatic relations were established with a number of countries: in October-November 1933 - with the USA (the last of the great
powers); in 1933-1935 - with Spain, Romania, Bulgaria, Albania, Belgium, Colombia, etc.
In the early 1930s. Relations with England and China normalized: on December 12, 1932, diplomatic relations with China were restored, and in 1933 the embargo on the import of Soviet goods to England was lifted.
In the first half of the 1930s. One of the main tasks facing Soviet diplomacy was, as before, strengthening the security of the USSR. In this regard, a number of non-aggression treaties were concluded in 1931-1932:
Similar agreements in the same 1932 were concluded with Finland (January 21), Latvia (February 5) and Estonia (May 4).
Until 1933 (the National Socialists came to power), economic and political relations with Germany, the main partner of the USSR in Europe, successfully developed: on April 14, 1931 and July 15, 1932, Soviet-German trade agreements were concluded (on the deployment in Germany Soviet orders and provision of loans for these purposes). In 1932, Germany took first place in Soviet imports, and the USSR took first place in German exports of cars.
Entry of the USSR into the League of Nations.
In the early 30s. The USSR took an active part in international conferences on disarmament.
On February 2, 1932, the conference opened in Geneva. The USSR came up with an initiative for general and complete disarmament, and if this proposal was rejected, for partial disarmament.
On February 6, 1933, the USSR submitted to the Geneva Conference a draft declaration on the definition of the attacking party (aggressor). As a result, this declaration was signed by Estonia, Latvia, Turkey, Persia, Poland, Romania, Afghanistan, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia and Lithuania, and later by Finland (countries bordering the USSR).
On September 18, 1934, the USSR was admitted to the League of Nations and received a permanent seat on the Council of the League of Nations. In connection with this event, it should be noted that the Soviet Union saw the main task of its activities in the League of Nations in the struggle to ensure optimal conditions for maintaining peace - primarily on the European continent. The relevance of this task - especially in light of the events taking place in Germany (the National Socialists coming to power) - was obvious.
In December 1933, the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks adopted a resolution to launch a struggle for the creation of an effective system of collective security. The People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs has developed a plan for creating a collective security system in Europe:
"1. The USSR agrees, on certain conditions, to join the League of Nations.
2. The USSR does not object... to conclude a regional agreement within the framework of the League of Nations on mutual defense against aggression from Germany.
3. The USSR agrees to the participation in this agreement of Belgium, France, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Finland or some of these countries, but with the obligatory participation of France and Poland.
5.... The parties to the agreement must... provide each other with diplomatic, moral and, if possible, material assistance also in the event of a military attack not provided for by the agreement itself...”
Negotiations on the creation of a collective system
security.
In November 1933, the USSR invited the United States to conclude a regional Pacific pact with the participation of Japan, the USA, the USSR, China and other states.
In 1934, negotiations began between the USSR and France on concluding a multilateral regional treaty of mutual assistance (Eastern Pact). The parties to the Pact were to be: Poland, Czechoslovakia, Germany, the USSR, the Baltic states and Finland. In addition, it was planned to conclude a separate mutual assistance pact between the USSR and France. Thus, France would become the guarantor of the Eastern Pact, and the USSR, along with England and Italy, would become the guarantor of the Locarno Pact of 1925.
The main opponent of the USSR's initiatives was fascist Germany, which led a noisy campaign in favor of concluding bilateral treaties. On January 26, 1934, Poland concluded a bilateral non-aggression treaty with Germany.
On December 5, 1934, an agreement was signed between the USSR and France (later joined by Czechoslovakia): not to conclude any political agreements with Germany without first consulting each other.
Meanwhile, the aggressiveness of Nazi Germany became more and more obvious:
On December 10, 1932, a meeting of the heads of government of England (initiator), USA, France, Italy, and Germany was held in Geneva. The reason was Germany's promise to leave the Geneva Disarmament Conference if its equal rights in arms were not recognized. As a result, on December 11, 1932, Germany received the right to equality in arms;
in October 1933, Germany withdrew from the League of Nations;
On March 7, 1936, Germany announced its abandonment of the Locarno Agreements and sent troops into the demilitarized Rhineland (close to the borders of France);
in September 1936, a “four-year plan” was adopted in Germany, the main goal of which was to transfer the entire economy to a war footing;
in 1936-1937 The Anti-Comintern Pact (Germany, Japan, Italy) was created.
In this regard, the USSR's attempts to create a system of collective security looked extremely relevant.
On May 2, 1935, a mutual assistance agreement (for 5 years) was concluded between the USSR and France. A little later, a similar agreement was signed between the USSR and Czechoslovakia. Despite the unconditionally positive significance of these agreements, they had a number of negative aspects: in particular, the automatic operation of mutual assistance obligations was not provided for; a military convention on the forms, conditions and amounts of military assistance has not been concluded; in the Soviet-Czechoslovak treaty, assistance from the USSR was made dependent on assistance from France.
Aid to Spain and China. Armed conflict
near Lake Khasan and the Khalkhin Gol River.
The catalyst for increased international tension and the rapid growth of aggressiveness of the fascist powers were events in Spain.
In February 1936, the Popular Front parties won the elections in Spain and created their own government.
In July 1936, General Franco, with active German-Italian support, launched an anti-government military rebellion.
On July 25, 1936, France decided to pursue a policy of neutrality towards Spain and banned the export of weapons to Spain.
In August 1936, on the initiative of France, a Non-Intervention Committee was created in London, chaired by Lord Plymouth. Representatives of France, England, the USSR, Germany, and Italy became members of the Committee. England and France stopped supplying arms to the legitimate Spanish government, without doing anything to stop the German-Italian intervention. The United States, which had a neutrality law, took a similar position.
In October 1936, the USSR abandoned the agreement on non-intervention and began supplying military equipment to Spain. From October 1936 to January 1939 (the Spanish Civil War ended in March 1939), the USSR supplied to Spain:
Aircraft - 648,
Tanks - 347,
Armored vehicles - 6,
Guns - 1186,
Machine guns - 20,648,
Rifles - 497,813,
Also a large number of shells, cartridges, gunpowder.
In the fall of 1938, the USSR provided Spain with a loan in the amount of $85 million. Soviet military specialists and advisers were sent to Spain. In general, volunteers from 54 countries of the world fought in Spain, a total of over 42,000 people, of which about 3,000, including 160 pilots, were from the USSR. About 200 Russian volunteers died in Spain.
In January 1939, at a session of the League of Nations, England and France opposed the application, in accordance with Article 16 of the Charter of the League of Nations, of collective sanctions against the German-Italian aggressors in Spain (in line with the policy of “appeasement” of the fascist aggressors 1).
In February 1939, England and France officially recognized Franco's government and broke off diplomatic relations with the legitimate government.
At the end of the 30s. The situation also sharply worsened in the Far East, where on July 7, 1937, Japan began a war against China, capturing, within a short time, the most important commercial and industrial centers - Shanghai, Beijing, Tianjin, Kalgan, etc.
On August 21, 1937, a non-aggression pact was signed between the USSR and China. Essentially, during this period, only the USSR provided China with real support: diplomatic, military, technical, etc. On March 1, 1938, an agreement was concluded on a loan of 50 million dollars provided by the USSR to China. In the same 1938, China was granted another loan of 50 million dollars. In exchange for these loans, the USSR supplied China in 1938-1939. about 600 aircraft, 100 cannons and howitzers, over 8 thousand machine guns, as well as vehicles, shells, cartridges and other military materials. By mid-February 1939, there were 3,665 Soviet military specialists in China. More than 200 Soviet volunteers died in China.
The international position of the USSR on the eveIIWorld War.
Munich agreement. Soviet-Anglo-French negotiations in the spring
and in the summer of 1939, the Soviet-German non-aggression pact.
Meanwhile, having captured most of China, Japan approached the Soviet border. In the summer of 1938, separate armed clashes followed on the Soviet-Chinese border. In August 1939, an armed conflict occurred in the area of Lake Khasan (near Vladivostok). The Japanese group was repulsed. On the Japanese side, this was the first reconnaissance in force. In May 1939, Japanese troops invaded Mongolia. Units of the Red Army under the command of G.K. Zhukov defeated them in the area of the Khalkhin Gol River. (The USSR signed a mutual assistance agreement with the Mongolian People's Republic on March 12, 1936).
At the end of the 1930s. The USSR found itself in a difficult political situation. On the one hand, the largest capitalist powers sabotaged the creation of a collective security system in every possible way, and on the other, these same states, in an environment of growing aggression from the fascist powers, pursued a policy of “pacifying” the aggressor. This policy was reflected in the position of England and France in relation to the Spanish Civil War, and in the unpunished Anschluss (annexation) of Austria carried out by Germany on March 12-13, 1938. Finally, the culmination of this policy was the Munich Agreement.
On September 19, 1938, in response to the German government’s demand for the annexation of the Sudetenland, inhabited by Germans, to Germany, England and France presented an ultimatum to Czechoslovakia: to satisfy Hitler’s demands by terminating the mutual assistance treaty with the USSR. The same ultimatum was presented again on September 21 after the official refusal of the Czechoslovak government to comply with the terms of the ultimatum.
On September 29, 1938, the Munich Conference was held, in which British Prime Minister Chamberlain, the heads of government of France (Daladier), Italy (Mussolini) and Germany (Hitler) took part. The head of the government of Czechoslovakia (Beneš) was not allowed to attend the conference, awaiting his fate, as well as the fate of his country in the corridor. The result of the conference was an agreement on the annexation of the Sudetenland to Germany, the satisfaction of territorial claims in relation to Czechoslovakia on the part of Horthy Hungary and Poland, as well as the obligation of England and France to participate in international guarantees of the new borders of Czechoslovakia, with an obligation on the part of Germany to respect the inviolability of the new Czechoslovak borders. As a result, Czechoslovakia lost almost 1/5 of its territory and about 1/4 of its population, 1/2 of its heavy industry, and the German border began to pass 40 km from Prague.
The extremely precarious foreign policy position of the USSR, the collapse of the policy of collective security, sacrificed to the policy of “appeasement” of the aggressor, the expanding expansion of Germany in Europe with the connivance and even a certain interest in the Eastern direction of this expansion on the part of the great European powers - all this led to the fact that The foreign policy guidelines of the Soviet Union are gradually beginning to change.
Meanwhile, on September 30, 1938, the Anglo-German, and on December 6, 1938, the Franco-German declaration was signed - in essence, a non-aggression pact. The position of the USSR became more and more threatening.
On November 2, 1938, a puppet state, “Carpathian Ukraine,” was created in Transcarpathia, which previously belonged to Czechoslovakia. The German press organized a noisy campaign for Soviet Ukraine to join the “independent” “Carpathian Ukraine”. However, in March 1939, “Carpathian Ukraine” was liquidated - given to the Hungarian dictator Horthy.
On March 15, 1939, German troops completely occupied Czechoslovakia, eliminating it as a state. The Czech Republic was turned into a province of the German Reich - the “Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia.” Slovakia is separated from the Czech Republic and turned into a puppet republic. Its southern part was in turn given to Horthy Hungary back in November 1938.
On March 18, 1939, the USSR issued a note of protest against the actions of the German government, but this time it found itself in the minority - the protest was not supported by leading European states.
On March 23, 1939, a German-Romanian economic agreement was signed, which placed the Romanian economy under German control.
On March 24, 1939, Germany demanded Poland's consent to transfer Danzig (Gdansk) to Germany and provide it with an extraterritorial highway and railway cutting the “Polish corridor”. As a threat, Germany soon annulled the German-Polish non-aggression pact of January 26, 1934.
In 1939, Germany terminated the 1935 Anglo-German naval agreement and then laid claim to its former colonies, taken from it by Britain and France under the Treaty of Versailles.
On December 22, 1938, Italy, in turn, terminated the Convention on Mutual Respect for the Territorial Integrity of States in Central Europe and the consultative pact with France, concluded on January 7, 1935, and then presented territorial claims to France. On April 7, 1939, Italian troops invaded and captured Albania.
In such a difficult international situation, Soviet-Anglo-French negotiations began (spring-summer 1939).
1) conclude an agreement for 5-10 years on a mutual obligation to provide each other with all kinds of assistance, including military, in the event of aggression in Europe against any of the contracting parties;
2) England, France and the USSR undertake to provide all kinds of assistance, including military assistance, to the Eastern European states between the Baltic and Black Seas and bordering the USSR in the event of aggression against them;
3) England, France and the USSR undertake to conclude a military convention on the amount and forms of military assistance as soon as possible;
4) England, France and the USSR undertake, after the outbreak of hostilities, not to enter into separate negotiations with the enemy.
As negotiations progressed, the USSR agreed to extend its assistance to Belgium, Greece, Turkey (in the event of a German attack on these countries, to which England and France provided guarantees of independence), as well as to Holland and Switzerland.
Anglo-French proposals were made on April 14, 1939: the USSR would provide assistance in the event of aggression against any of its European neighbors who would resist.
The European neighbors of the USSR were Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Poland, and Romania. The last two states had guarantees from England and France, and, therefore, by providing assistance to them, the USSR could count on fighting against the aggressor in alliance with two other great powers. However, in the event of a fascist attack on Finland, Estonia or Latvia, the USSR was left alone with the aggressor. In fact, such an agreement would indicate to Hitler the strategic direction of aggression that he should choose in order to force the USSR to fight in isolation.
In the course of further negotiations, England and France made some concessions, however, the stumbling block remained questions about a military convention (its development was postponed until the conclusion of a political convention, while the USSR insisted on the simultaneous signing of these documents), about the definition of “indirect aggression” ( neither England nor France recognized their obligations to the USSR in the case of “indirect aggression”, i.e. the organization of coups d’etat in the Baltic countries or the implementation of pro-Hitler policies).
May 3, 1939 M.M. Litvinov was replaced as People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs by V.M. Molotov. This reflected the gradual reorientation of the Soviet leadership in matters of foreign policy towards rapprochement with Germany in the event of failure of the Soviet-British-French negotiations.
On July 23, 1939, the USSR proposed to begin military negotiations between representatives of the armed forces of the USSR, England and France.
On August 5, 1939, the British and French military missions left for Moscow. They were led by minor figures: Admiral Drake (England), who did not have the authority to negotiate, and General Dumenk (France). The Soviet military mission was headed by People's Commissar of Defense K.E. Voroshilov, who received broad powers. The instructions of the Anglo-French military mission set a goal: to avoid concluding a specific agreement and not to discuss the issue of the passage of Soviet troops through the territories of Poland and Romania.
The plan of the Soviet mission was as follows: the Red Army was to field 136 divisions, 5 thousand heavy guns, 9-10 thousand tanks and 5-5.5 thousand combat aircraft against the aggressor in Europe. The plan included participation in joint military operations between Poland and Romania. He had 3 options, which provided for the actions of the USSR in the event of an attack by the aggressor on:
1) England and France;
2) Poland and Romania;
3) USSR. England and France were supposed to field 70% of the forces indicated by the USSR.
Any version of the plan assumed that Soviet troops would have to pass through Romanian and Polish territory.
The meetings of the military missions on August 13-17 were fruitless. At Drax's suggestion, a break was made until August 21, ostensibly in order to obtain a response from London and Paris. On August 21, in response to Drax’s proposal to postpone negotiations again until August 23, K.E. Voroshilov refused.
On August 23, 1939, a Soviet-German non-aggression pact was concluded in Moscow for 10 years (Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact). Attached to it was a secret protocol on the delimitation of spheres of influence in Eastern Europe. Germany recognized the interests of the USSR in the Baltic states (Latvia, Estonia, Finland) and Bessarabia.
On September 1, 1939, Germany attacked Poland. Poland's allies - Great Britain and France - declared war on Germany on September 3. World War II began.
On September 17, 1939, after the Germans defeated the Polish army and the fall of the Polish government, the Red Army entered Western Belarus and Western Ukraine.
On September 28, 1939, the Soviet-German Treaty “On Friendship and Border” was concluded, securing these lands as part of the USSR. At the same time, the USSR insisted on concluding agreements with Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, gaining the right to station its troops on their territory. In these republics, in the presence of Soviet troops, legislative elections were held, which were won by communist forces. In ] 940, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania became part of the USSR.
In November 1939, the Soviet-Finnish war began. The USSR was expelled from the League of Nations. In March 1940, the war ended, and a peace treaty was concluded between the USSR and Finland, according to which the entire Karelian Isthmus was transferred to the USSR.
In the summer of 1940, Romania ceded Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina to the USSR.
Foreign policy of Soviet Russia from 1921 to 1939. cannot be considered in isolation from the activities of the Third International - the main conductor of the ideological policy of the Russian Communist Party in the international arena.
The breaking of the political and economic blockade in the early 1920s, a streak of diplomatic recognition, the conclusion of trade agreements, and participation in international conferences did not eliminate the ideological and political confrontation between the young Soviet republic and the capitalist powers, a confrontation that served as a constant source of tension in the relations between these countries and often created the threat of direct military conflict. Indeed, with the formation of the Soviet state, an atypical situation arose in international relations - on the one hand, the young Soviet Republic declared its desire for peace, to establish economic and political ties with bourgeois countries, and on the other, it headed and coordinated the activities of the organization, the ultimate the goal of which was to destabilize the situation within these countries, seize power and establish the dictatorship of the proletariat. That is, it was essentially about direct interference in the internal affairs of its actual and potential trading and diplomatic partners. However, in turn, these partners themselves saw Soviet Russia as the main foreign policy enemy, regardless of the existence of the Third International. White emigrants who had their own organizations, funds, published their own literature, etc. not only lived on the territory of France, Germany, and other states, but also actively engaged in anti-Soviet activities. And it should be noted that it was the White emigrants who set the tone in relation to the Soviet government and the entire communist movement as a whole. Thus, each of the parties, expressing an interest in the development of diplomatic and economic relations, politically and ideologically remained in positions of hostile confrontation and at any moment this hostility could find a way out in one or another, not only diplomatic and economic, but also military actions .
Old English Court - the first English embassy
My story is about one of the few buildings of the 15th-16th centuries that have survived to this day - the Old English Court - the first foreign trade mission in medieval Rus'.
And it was all like this...
In 1553, the English king Edward IV sent three ships in search of northern routes to India and China, since the Spaniards were piracy in the southern seas. Separated by a storm in the Arctic Ocean, the two ships were lost off the coast of Lapland. The third, "Edward Bonaventure" ("Edward the Good Enterprise"), commanded by Sir Richard Chancellor, sailed to the White Sea. On August 24, 1553, the ship safely entered the Dvina Bay and landed on the shore not far from the Nikolo-Karelian Monastery (later the city of Severodvinsk was founded in this place. Having learned that instead of India they ended up in Russia, the British were not at a loss and said that they had a letter to the Russian Tsar, in which it was proposed to establish trade relations with England. A messenger was immediately sent to Moscow, and, after some time, Chancellor appeared before Ivan IV.
“... the Grand Duke himself sat... on a gilded seat in a long robe trimmed with sheet gold, wearing a royal crown on his head and holding a staff of gold and crystal in his right hand,” Chancellor wrote.
Ivan IV was interested in trade relations with Europe, and in August 1554 Chancellor returned to England with a charter for duty-free trade. This letter caused great joy in England, and at the direction of Queen Mary (while Chancellor was in Russia, King Edward IV died), the Moscow Trading Company was created in London in 1555. And in Moscow, the English merchants were given a house in Zaryadye, which previously belonged to the Surozh merchant Ivan Bobrishchev, nicknamed Yushka Urvi Tail. The building was built at the beginning of the 16th century by the Italian architect Aleviz Novy and transferred to the treasury after Bobrishchev’s death. As in many merchant houses, contracts were concluded in the front rooms and successful transactions were celebrated,
And goods were stored in warehouses: those imported from England (weapons, gunpowder, saltpeter, lead, pewter, cloth) and those exported from Russia (wood, hemp, rope, wax, leather, furs).
Heavy barrels of gunpowder, weapons, pewter, wax, as well as those goods that were not afraid of dampness were stored in the basement,
And cloth, leather, and furs were stored in a warehouse on the second floor, where the bales were lifted using a simple block.
Things were going so well for the company that in 1636 the British bought another house, a larger one, in the White City, and the building on Varvarka began to be called the Old English Court.
But everything stops in 1949, when, during the revolution in England, King Charles I's head was cut off. By decree of Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich, the British were expelled from Russia for a “great evil deed”, and the company’s property was confiscated to the treasury.
Over the next three hundred years, the building of the Old English Court was the property of a relative of Tsar I. Miloslavsky, then it was transferred to the embassy order and allocated for the courtyard of the Nizhny Novgorod Metropolitan. At the beginning of the 18th century, Peter I opened the first arithmetic school (tsifirnya) here. In the middle of the 18th century, the house passed into private ownership and was rebuilt, remodeled, and added several times, and in the 20th century it finally lost its original appearance and was considered irretrievably lost.
During the construction of the Rossiya Hotel, it was decided to demolish the residential building on Varvarka, but restorer Pyotr Baranovsky asked for permission to excavate. Imagine the surprise when, under layers of plaster, a building from the early 16th century was discovered, about which Baranovsky wrote: in terms of its international significance, this building is equal only to the value of the Faceted Chamber of the Moscow Kremlin.”
Restoration began, and in 1994, in the presence of Queen Elizabeth II of England and her husband Prince Philip, the Old English Court Museum was opened.
Students, graduate students, young scientists who use the knowledge base in their studies and work will be very grateful to you.
Posted on http://www.allbest.ru/
During the reign of Tsar Ivan IV Vasilyevich, in the middle of the 16th century, trade and diplomatic relations were established with England. At this time, the custom of presenting ambassadorial gifts became part of diplomatic etiquette. And if at first the embassy gifts included a variety of valuable things, then from the 17th century European diplomats brought mainly precious silver dishes to Russia.
In the second half of the 16th century, both Russia and England were looking for new trade routes. The Spaniards and Portuguese had a monopoly on trade with the New World, who exported untold wealth from there. England could not compete with Spain in the Atlantic and Indian Ocean and was looking for northern sea trade routes. To search for the Northeast Sea Passage, a society of “merchant adventurers” equipped three ships. The goal of this expedition was not Russia at all, but India and China, the “Land of Dreams,” as the Celestial Empire was then called in England. In addition to samples of goods that England could offer, the envoys were provided with letters from King Edward IV. These documents were drawn up in such a clever style, that they could be handed over to any sovereign who was reached by English merchants. Two ships were lost in the Barents Sea, but the third ship called "Bonaventure" ("Good Enterprise") under the command of Richard Chancellor in 1553 ended up at the mouth of the Northern Dvina and came to Pomors A guard was immediately assigned to the English team, and the local governor reported what had happened to Moscow. By order of Tsar Ivan the Terrible, the British were brought to the capital.
At this time, Russia is also looking for new trade routes. Trade with the west passes through hostile Poland and Lithuania, which soon united to form the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Therefore, trade contacts with England turned out to be extremely important for the Russian throne. This is facilitated by the personality of the clerk of the Ambassadorial Prikaz, Ivan Viskovaty, a convinced Westerner. Ivan the Terrible received Richard Chancellor, sarcastically noting that the royal letters “were drawn up by someone unknown.”
It is interesting to note that over 150 years of diplomatic relations with England, 20 diplomatic books were compiled, which serve as a rich source for researchers. Letters related to one or another state - the object of Russian foreign policy - were collected in diplomatic books. The number of such books indicates the intensity of diplomatic relations. Contacts with England were exclusively trade, hence the small number of diplomatic books. For example, more than 100 diplomatic books were compiled with Poland in the 17th century.
In 1689, Tsar Ivan voluntarily stepped down from governing the state. Ivan Alekseevich died in 1696 and Peter essentially became the sole monarch. Managing foreign affairs, but without the title of guardian after V.V. Golitsyn was taken over by Lev Kirillovich Naryshkin, who took one of the first places in the state thanks to his relationship with Tsarina Natalya Kirillovna. In fact, since 1689, as the acting chief, the Ambassadorial Prikaz was headed by Duma clerk Emelyan Ignatievich Ukraintsev, an experienced diplomat of the old school, who retained this title for about ten years.
In the last years of the Northern War, England made vigorous efforts to achieve “pacification in the north,” seeking to annul Russia’s territorial acquisitions in the Baltic. Being hostile to Russia, she tried to persuade a number of states to participate in the war with her - France, Prussia, the German principalities, Denmark, Poland, Holland, Austria and Turkey. However, plans to create an anti-Russian coalition ultimately failed thanks to the successes of Russian diplomacy, which skillfully exploited the contradictions between European states.
Nevertheless, relations between Russia and England continued to be extremely tense. To put pressure on the English government, they used interest in trade, connections with the opposition - representatives of the Stuarts, who repeatedly turned to Peter I for help, as well as negotiations with Spain on an offensive alliance against England with the aim of overthrowing the Hanoverian dynasty and bringing the Stuart dynasty to power.
A sharp deterioration in relations between the two countries began after England entered into an open alliance with Sweden and the attack of the Anglo-Swedish squadron on the Russian fleet in the Baltic Sea with the aim of destroying it. Finally, Russian-English relations became even more strained in connection with the presentation of M.P. by the Russian resident in London. Bestuzhev-Ryumin, on the instructions of the Tsar, sent a memorial to Secretary of State Craggs, which condemned the hostile position of George I. A few days after the transfer of the memorial, on November 14, 1720, the English government invited Bestuzhev-Ryumin to leave the country within a week. In turn, the British diplomatic representative was also recalled from Russia. But, despite the severance of diplomatic relations, the main thing was achieved - to avoid a military clash with England. Diplomatic relations between Russia and England were restored in 1730.
In Peter's time, the heads of Russian diplomatic missions abroad began to be classified according to the European model: ambassadors extraordinary and plenipotentiary, ambassadors extraordinary, ordinary ambassadors, envoys extraordinary, ordinary envoys, plenipotentiary ministers, simply ministers, resident ministers, residents, agents, chargé d'affaires. The name "extraordinary", which once meant the temporary nature of the mission, under Peter I began to be of an honorary nature. The position of agents in a number of cases was equal to that of consuls.
On September 5, 1800, Britain occupied Malta, while the Russian Emperor Paul I was the Grand Master of the Order of Malta, that is, the head of state of Malta. In response, on November 22, 1800, Paul I issued a decree imposing sequestration on all English ships in all Russian ports (there were up to 300 of them), as well as suspending payments to all English merchants pending settlement of their debt obligations in Russia, with a ban on sales English goods in the empire. Diplomatic relations have been interrupted.
Gapdiplomatic relations- This is a type of political sanctions imposed by one state on another. Embassies are closed, diplomatic personnel are recalled to their homeland. True, contacts may not be completely interrupted - a third country that suits both sides is chosen as mediator. It can provide consular services to citizens of countries that are in conflict. Typically, the severance of diplomatic relations is accompanied by the cessation of all economic and trade relations, the introduction of an embargo on the import and export of goods, and the cessation of transport links. There were cases when, following the rupture of diplomatic relations, war was declared.
As for England specifically, a year earlier, during the general strike that shook the country, the campaign to support the British “proletariat” assumed the widest scope in the USSR; throughout the country, “voluntarily and compulsorily” they collected money and things for the striking English workers. There were also continuous wishes for the English workers to “win the class battle,” he recalls.
The most pragmatic English politicians had already become accustomed to such features of ideological life in the USSR and believed that this did not particularly interfere with business. In these circles it was believed that it did not matter whether certain Soviet documents were fake or genuine, as long as the country's party leadership and the Comintern did not hide that they were preparing a world revolution.
diplomatic russia great britain history
Others took a more dogmatic position and believed that nothing should be done with the USSR. The difference in approach to the USSR was also evident during the voting in parliament of the resolution on severing diplomatic relations with the USSR.
Immediately after the break, the “big business press” began to sound the alarm, pointing to England’s economic losses. Thus, the then influential newspaper The Manchester Guardian (now The Guardian) wrote: “... British trade with Russia has been reduced to almost zero. This means that the main orders pass us by and are intercepted by Germany and the USA.” In the spring of 1929, a representative delegation of British businessmen visited Moscow with the aim of building bridges. Diplomatic relations between our countries were restored in the fall of 1929.
The Anglo-Russian Unity Committee played a major role in the domestic politics of both Great Britain and the USSR. The greatest supporter of rapprochement with England was Stalin, who used the fact of the creation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea in the fight against the pro-German lobby in the Politburo. Accordingly, the severance of relations with Great Britain was used by the Stalinists to completely discredit and defeat the oppositionists.
Special relations between the trade unions of England and the USSR were established immediately after the revolution. In 1920, Albert Purcell, a member of the British Parliament and since 1924 chairman of the Amsterdam International, came to Soviet Russia. The legal formalization of the “trade union union” began in 1924, after the enthusiastic meeting of the Soviet delegation at the trade union congress in Hull and the subsequent visit of the British to the VI All-Russian Congress of Trade Unions in Moscow.
In 1926, the USSR, through the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, transferred the amount of 11,500,000 rubles to English miners.
By 1927, American trade unions managed to discredit the British trade unions as “accomplices of the bloody Bolshevik regime.” The main support of the Americans became the trade unions of Germany
then they were joined by the trade union bosses of France and other countries.
According to one version, the British broke off diplomatic relations with Moscow in order to “save face.” At the same time, the anti-British orientation of the German Social Democrats stimulated London's assistance to German nationalist organizations.
The ARC was restored during the Second World War. This happened in October 1941, when a trade union delegation, which included almost the entire top of the British trade unions, arrived in besieged Moscow.
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Diplomatic relations between Russia and Great Britain |
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Kingdom of Russia |
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1553 - Beginning of diplomatic relations |
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1706 - Establishment of a permanent mission of the Russian kingdom in England |
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Russian empire |
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11/14/1720 - Severance of diplomatic relations by Great Britain due to refusal to recognize Russia as an Empire. |
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1730 - Restoration of diplomatic relations. |
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1741-1748 - Allies in the War of the Austrian Succession |
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1756-1763 - Opponents in the Seven Years' War |
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09/05/1800 - Capture of Malta by England, at that time the Emperor of Russia was Grand Master of the Order of Malta and head of state of Malta |
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11/22/1800 - Decree of Paul I imposing sanctions on English companies. Diplomatic relations have been interrupted. |
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03/24/1801 - The day after the assassination of Paul I, the new Emperor Alexander I cancels the measures taken against England and restores diplomatic relations. |
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5 (17).06.1801 - St. Petersburg Maritime Convention. Establishment of friendly relations between Great Britain and Russia, lifting by Russia of the embargo on the movement of British ships |
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03/25/1802 - Treaty of Amiens |
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1803-1805 - Allies in the coalition against France. |
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10/24/1807 - Severance of diplomatic relations by Russia, Anglo-Russian War (1807-1812) |
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07/16/1812 - Conclusion of a peace treaty between Russia and England in Örebro, restoration of diplomatic relations |
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1821-1829 - Allies of Greece during the Greek War of Independence |
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1825 - Anglo-Russian Convention (1825) on the delimitation of the possessions of Russia and Great Britain in North America |
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9 (21).02.1854 - Manifesto of Nicholas I on the severance of diplomatic relations with England and France |
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03/15/1854 - Great Britain declared war on Russia. |
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1854-1856 - No representations due to the Crimean War. |
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03/18/1856 - Signing of the Paris Peace Treaty |
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1907 - Anglo-Russian agreement (1907) on the division of spheres of interest in Persia |
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RSFSR and USSR |
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1918-1921 - British participation in the Allied intervention in Russia |
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02/1/1924-02/8/1924 - Establishment of diplomatic relations at the embassy level |
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05/26/1927 - Diplomatic relations interrupted by Great Britain |
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07/23/1929 - Restoration of diplomatic relations at the embassy level |
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1941-1945 - Allies in the Anti-Hitler Coalition |
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05/28/1942 - Anglo-Soviet Union Treaty |
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02/04/11/1945 - Yalta Conference on the establishment of a post-war world order |
Relations deteriorated during the Cold War, and espionage was widespread between the two states. Joint Anglo-American project "Venona" Venona project), was founded in 1942 for the cryptanalysis of Soviet intelligence communications.
In 1963, in England, Kim Philby was exposed as a member of the Cambridge Five spy cell.
In 1971, the British government of Edward Heath expelled 105 Soviet diplomats from Great Britain at once, accusing them of espionage.
The KGB is suspected of the murder of Georgy Markov in 1978 in London. GRU officer Vladimir Rezun (Viktor Suvorov) fled to Britain in 1978. KGB Colonel Oleg Gordievsky fled to London in 1985.
Margaret Thatcher, in unison with Ronald Reagan, practiced harsh anti-communist policies in the 1980s, which was the opposite of the international détente policies of the 1970s.
Relations warmed after Mikhail Gorbachev came to power in 1985.
After the collapse of the USSR, relations between the UK and the Russian Federation improved, but deteriorated again in the 2000s due to disagreements over extraditions. Soon after G. Brown took office as Prime Minister of Great Britain, there was a sharp deterioration in Russian-British diplomatic relations - the British authorities expelled four Russian diplomats and introduced visa restrictions for Russian officials, Russia responded with similar measures. At the end of 2007, Russian authorities issued a decree to close the branches of the British Council in St. Petersburg and Yekaterinburg due to violations of Russian and international legislation. The UK did not agree with the accusations, but was forced to close the branches after pressure was put on it.
True, the first steps towards such an aggravation of relations were made under G. Brown's predecessor, Tony Blair. In May 2007, Great Britain demanded the extradition of Russian businessman Andrei Lugovoi, suspected of murdering former FSB officer Alexander Litvinenko, but Russia refused the extradition. This disagreement escalated to the deportation of four Russian diplomats by Britain, soon followed by the deportation of four English diplomats by Russia.
However, there are also positive aspects of the development of Russian-British relations. Since 2001, the fight against terrorism has become a significant area of bilateral cooperation between Russia and the UK: in December 2001, the Russian-British Joint Working Group on International Terrorism was established in order to deepen cooperation in practical areas. On October 5, 2005, in London, Russian President V. Putin and Prime Minister of the United Kingdom T. Blair visited COBR, the government's Crisis Management Center, discussing issues of bilateral and international anti-terrorism cooperation. Cooperation in the energy sector is actively developing between Russia and the UK. In September 2003, at the Energy Forum in London, a Communiqué on cooperation in the field of energy and a Memorandum between the two countries on the construction of the North European Gas Pipeline, through which Russian gas
Today, Russia and Great Britain have a lot in common. The purchase of real estate in the British capital by wealthy Russians has led to the local press sometimes jokingly calling it Londongrad. In London, Russian Week is held annually; many Russian companies, including the largest oil company Rosneft, have held initial public offerings on the London Stock Exchange. In recent years, the British have remembered the face of Roman Abramovich, and the Russians have learned about the Chelsea football club.
British education is in stable demand in Russia: entrepreneurs send their children there to study, and Russian officials at all levels are not far behind them. Activists of the pro-Kremlin Nashi movement should have kept them company: their ostentatious contempt for Great Britain does not prevent them from going there for knowledge - at the expense of the movement, of course, financed, we note, from funds replenished from the state treasury.
The clouds in relations between Moscow and London began to gather after British courts consistently began to refuse Russia the extradition of Russians who had received political asylum in the UK. The real crisis erupted in connection with the poisoning of Alexander Litvinenko in London, which worsened after the demand of British justice to extradite Andrei Lugovoi, suspected of involvement in the poisoning of a former FSB officer.
And having announced the freezing of the activities of the British Council, the Russian side did not hide the fact that the decision also had political implications. Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov actually directly linked it to the deterioration of Russian-British relations at the height of the Litvinenko affair. Lavrov also named other “unfriendly” actions of Great Britain: refusal to cooperate with Russia in the fight against terrorism and reluctance to give the FSB the status of a partner “in any type of cooperation.”
The Russian side does not hide that the story with the British Council has become a litmus test for the aggravation of interstate relations. The resumption of the work of the council, despite the ban of the Russian authorities, was called in a statement by the Foreign Ministry “a provocation aimed at escalating tension in bilateral relations”: “We hope that the British partners will stop ignoring obvious facts and will refrain from taking a line towards further confrontation, which is fraught with the most negative consequences for Russian-British relations ".
Given this, London seems to have decided to cool the conflict: on Thursday, the British Air Force reported, citing a source in diplomatic circles, that the Foreign Office would not further escalate the situation around the activities of the British Council in Russian cities. “The Foreign Office has no desire to use any new retaliatory measures, since there is an understanding that the UK has little room for maneuver,” the broadcaster notes.
Regional branches of the British Council in the Russian Federation were supposed to cease work on January 1 due to the lack of a regulatory framework governing the activities of the council in the Russian Federation. However, they continued to work after the New Year holidays. A representative of the Council said that its Russian employees in St. Petersburg and Yekaterinburg were summoned to interviews at the FSB headquarters on January 15, and their homes were visited by Interior Ministry officers.
In addition, on the evening of the same day, Russian law enforcement agencies briefly detained for investigation the head of the St. Petersburg branch of the British Council, Stephen Kinnock, on suspicion of driving while intoxicated and violating traffic rules. Representatives of the Moscow office of the British Council said that they were “deeply concerned” by the so-called explanatory work that the Federal Security Service of the Russian Federation is conducting among Russian employees of the British cultural and educational organization. Later, the interrogations of British Council employees were condemned by the head of the British Foreign Office, David Miliband.
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...Russian-Turkish diplomatic relations. Opening of the embassy of the Russian Empire. Military conflicts between the Russian and Ottoman empires in the 17th-19th centuries. Development of relations in the 21st century. Agreement on the construction of the South Stream gas pipeline.
abstract, added 12/21/2009
A generalized picture of the development of Russian-French diplomatic relations in the period from 1801 to the outbreak of the War of 1812. The role of personality in history (using the example of Napoleon and Alexander I). Historiography of diplomatic relations between Russia and France.
course work, added 12/25/2014
Diplomatic relations between the United States and Tsarist Russia. Revolutionary events and transformation of Russian-American relations. War lending policy in the initial stages of war. Russian political contacts before the February Revolution.
thesis, added 09/03/2014
History of Russian-Spanish diplomatic relations. Study of the complex relationship between Spain and Russia in 1900-1918. Features of the period preceding the First World War and during the war. Russian-Spanish cultural relations at the beginning of the 20th century.
course work, added 06/25/2010
The formation of relations between the USSR and China. Contradictions in views on the path to building socialism. Russian-Chinese relations after the collapse of the USSR. Military-political cooperation. Cultural, scientific and technical cooperation between Russia and China.
course work, added 10/28/2008
Connections between Russian Orthodox and Eastern clergy. The history of relations between the Jerusalem patriarchs and the Moscow government, the role of Dositheus in its politics. The breakdown of relations between Russia and the Jerusalem Patriarchate. Relations with the Palestinian Church.
abstract, added 04/03/2011
Determining the role of the Soviet Union in the Chinese liberation movement. Establishment of diplomatic and consular relations between Russia and the People's Republic of China. Familiarization with trade and economic cooperation between the USSR and the provinces of China.
course work, added 10/17/2010
The first penetrations of Russians into the Korean Peninsula, features of the development of relations. The weakening of Russian-Korean relations (1898-1903), the reasons for the loss of positions by Russia. Opposition from Japan and European powers. Russo-Japanese War, annexation of Korea.
course work, added 03/13/2014
Russian-French cultural relations during the reign of Catherine II. The Russian Orthodox Church through the eyes of French observers. French ideas about Russia during the Patriotic War of 1812. The USSR and the French progressive public.
thesis, added 12/26/2012
Socio-economic transformations in the country during the transition from socialism to capitalism. Fundamental documents regulating Russian-Ukrainian relations today. Directions for the development of comprehensive mutually beneficial cooperation.
Performance for children 6+. Sherlock Holmes. Theater behind the Black River in London Mr. Sherlock Holmes is the best detective in the world. He can unravel any complex case and find the criminal without even leaving his famous room on Baker Street. Do you know what a detective's room looks like? It is filled with many intricate devices, magnifying glasses, microscopes and bottles of chemical reagents. And all this helps him in investigating the incredible incidents taking place in London and its environs... But now he is already on stage, which means that he has taken on another case and the incredible adventures of the noble Sherlock Holmes and his brave Doctor Watson await us.
Comedy "Angels on the Roof" The production "Angels on the Roof" is an eccentric comedy that will give viewers a story about how you should never lose hope in life. The main character couldn’t find a better remedy for her problems than going to the roof of a high-rise building. But the unexpected meeting does not allow her to make a mistake - on the contrary, it gave her a second chance. And she will overcome life’s difficulties not alone, but together with other heroes.
The English irregular verb trainer will help you remember their spelling and meaning. Fill in the empty cells. If you spelled it correctly, the word will change color from red to green. Refresh the page or click the "Start Again" button and you will see the new order of empty cells. Train again!
Modal verbs in English are a class of auxiliary verbs. Modal verbs are used to express ability, necessity, certainty, possibility or likelihood. We use modal verbs if we talk about abilities or possibilities, ask or give permission, ask, offer, etc. Modal verbs are not used independently, but only with the infinitive of the main verb as a compound predicate.
Despite the fact that Russia and geographically are far from each other, over the centuries our countries have found common ground in different areas. In the relations between the two countries there are many examples of both successful cooperation and conflicts, sometimes bloody.
One of the first written confirmed political contacts between the two countries was the marriage of the Grand Duke of Kyiv Vladimir Monomakh With Gita of Wessex.
Gita of Wessex, after the death of her father, the last Anglo-Saxon king Harald, who died at the Battle of Hanstings in 1066, fled from England through Flanders and ended up in Denmark with her uncle, who married her to Vladimir Monomakh (presumably in 1075). She gave birth to Vladimir several children (according to various sources, from 10 to 12), the eldest of whom, Mstislav the Great, inherited the Kiev throne from his father. Interestingly, in Europe he was known as Harald, which is what his mother called Gita of Wessex. According to some sources, she was the mother of another Grand Duke, Yuri Dolgoruky, during whose reign many cities were founded, including Moscow.
Diplomatic relations Russia and England established it in the 16th century. In this century, English navigators made several attempts to find the North-East route to China and India, since the overland caravan route was too difficult and expensive. In 1553, a merchant association was created in London: “The Society of Merchants, Seekers of Countries and Dominions, Unknown and Hitherto Unvisited by Sea.” Three ships were equipped for the expedition, two of which died during a storm, and the third, under the command of Richard Chancellor, was forced to stop in Arkhangelsk. And Chancellor ended up in Moscow and was introduced to the Tsar Ivan IV and presented him with a letter from the English King Edward VI. Since then, not only diplomatic but also trade relations have been established between the powers. The Moscow Trading Company was organized in London, to which Queen Mary Tudor granted monopoly rights to trade with Russia. The company existed until 1917.
In 1556, the first Russian envoy, Osip Nepeya, was sent to London, and the English diplomat Anthony Jenkins was sent to Moscow.
Ivan the Terrible, with his characteristic obsession, became fascinated by the idea of getting closer to the new Queen of England, Elizabeth I. Historians call this “Anglomania” of Ivan the Terrible, and contemporaries dubbed the tsar “English” for this. The British were given duty-free trade rights, the right to settle in Vologda and Kholmogory, to build an ironworks in Vychegda and other privileges. Ivan the Terrible offered Elizabeth a close alliance and an agreement to provide each other with asylum in the event of an aggravation of the situation in their native country. And then, unexpectedly, through an envoy in 1567, he proposed marriage to Elizabeth. The Queen, in order not to jeopardize trade with Muscovy, chose the tactic of delaying her response, and then, when the Tsar finally received an official refusal, he furiously wrote her a letter, calling her a “vulgar girl.” .jpg)
In 1569, Ivan the Terrible proposed to England a political alliance directed against Poland. Elizabeth rejected this offer as well. The day after her answer was delivered to the king, the English merchants were deprived of all privileges.
The tsar remembered England only in 1581, when, after failures in the war with Poland, he asked for military help and the hand of the queen’s relative, Maria Hastings (despite the fact that at that time he was married to the noblewoman Maria Nagaya). Maria agreed to the marriage, but then, having learned the details of the king’s character, she flatly refused.
One of the first written descriptions of Rus' by the British dates back to this time; it belongs to the pen of G. Turberville, who testified that “the cold here is extraordinary” and “the people are rude.”
Boris Godunov, who ascended the throne after the son of Ivan the Terrible, Fyodor Ioanovich, also treated England favorably. In 1602, 5 “children of the boyars” were sent to London to teach “the science of various languages and literacy.” Having completed their studies, the boyar children decided not to return home, despite persistent demands from Russia. They apparently became the first Russian immigrants to the island.
In 1614, the young king Mikhail Romanov turned to the English King James I with a request to mediate in negotiations with Sweden on peace in the protracted war. Thanks to the efforts of the English envoy in Moscow, John Merick, this peace was concluded in 1617, for which the tsar generously thanked him.
The first visit of a royal person to Great Britain was Grand Embassy of Peter I. He arrived in London on 11 January 1698 on a private visit. Despite the private nature of the visit, Peter I met with the king twice William III, who presented the Russian Tsar with a 20-gun yacht. Peter visited Parliament, the Royal Society, Oxford University, the Mint, the Greenwich Observatory, and concluded an agreement with the East India Company for the supply of tobacco to Russia, which was previously considered a “devil’s potion” in Russia. 60 different English specialists, hired by him to work in Russia, left London with Peter.
In May 1707, the first permanent Russian ambassador to Great Britain, A.A., arrived in London. Matveev.
In the 18th century, Russian students began to actively come to Great Britain and studied at the universities of London, Oxford, Cambridge, and Glasgow. At this time, the embassy church “The Orthodox Greek-Russian Church of the Dormition of the Blessed Virgin Mary located in London” appeared in London.
The political relations of the Russian and British empires in the 18th - 19th centuries were quite contradictory. States fought against each other in Seven Years' War (1756-1763), fought in the alliance during Wars of the Austrian Succession (1740-1748). When the British turned to Catherine II with a request to assist them in the war against the rebellious colonies in North America, the Russian empress refused. “What right do I have,” she said, “to interfere in a feud that does not concern me, in matters incomprehensible to me, and in the relations of powers that are very distant from me.” Catherine issued the declaration of the first armed neutrality.
In September 1800, British troops occupied Malta. Russian Emperor Paul I, being the Grand Master of the Order of Malta, was also the head of state of Malta. Paul responded by arresting all English ships in Russian ports and banning the sale of English goods. After breaking off diplomatic relations with Britain, he became close to Napoleon I, planning joint expansion in India.
These plans were not destined to come true; Paul I was killed as a result of a palace coup, in the preparation of which the English ambassador Whitworth played an important role.
New Emperor of the Russian Empire Alexander I restored diplomatic relations with Britain the day after his accession to the throne. After the conclusion of the Peace of Tilsit, which was humiliating for Alexander I, the Russian Empire had to participate in the continental blockade of Great Britain and even participate in the Russian-English War of 1807-1812. Losses in this war amounted to about 1,000 people on both sides. In 1812, Russia and Great Britain entered into an alliance against Napoleon.
From 1821 to 1829, the countries fought in an alliance against the Ottoman Empire during the Greek War of Independence.
In 1839, the future emperor visited London Alexander II. The heir to the Russian throne was then 20 years old and he became seriously interested in the queen Victoria, who was not yet married at that time. He was even ready to marry her and leave Russia, becoming a prince consort, but his father, Emperor Nicholas I, did not allow him. Subsequently, as monarchs, Alexander II and Victoria experienced mutual hostility.
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Crimean War 1853-1856 became the bloodiest conflict in the history of British-Russian relations. Anti-Russian sentiments were intensified in Great Britain, and anti-English ones in Russia.
In 1854, the London Times wrote: “It would be nice to return Russia to the cultivation of inland lands, to drive the Muscovites deep into the forests and steppes.” In the same year, D. Russell, leader of the House of Commons and head of the Liberal Party, said: “We must tear the fangs out of the bear... Until his fleet and naval arsenal in the Black Sea are destroyed, there will be no peace in Europe.”
The total losses in the Crimean or Eastern War - Russia and the anti-Russian coalition, in which Great Britain participated, amounted to about 250 thousand people.
In 1894, the imperial houses of Russia and Great Britain nevertheless became related through the granddaughter of Queen Victoria - Princess Alice of Hesse, who received the name Alexandra Feodorovna at baptism.
Moreover, Queen Victoria herself took a large part in organizing this marriage, despite the fact that Emperor Alexander III did not approve of this marriage. In 1896 Nicholas II And Alexandra Fedorovna visited Queen Victoria in London. 
The Anglo-Russian agreement of 1907 marked the beginning of the military-political alliance of the Entente; the empires were allies in the First World War.
Since the 19th century, numerous political emigrants from Russia settled in London. Of the most famous - A.I. Herzen and N.P. Ogarev with his wife N.A. Tuchkova. In 1853, they began publishing the Kolokol newspaper and the Polar Star almanac. For many years, Kolokol was considered the mouthpiece of the revolutionary movement in Russia.
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Many famous people from Russia came to Herzen in London. Among them is I.S. Turgenev, Baron A.I. Delvig, Prince V. Dolgorukov, I. Cherkassky, artist A.A. Ivanov, actor N.M. Shchepkin. Herzen and Ogarev were visited in London by Leo Tolstoy and Nikolai Chernyshevsky.
In 1886, an anarchist prince settled in London P.A. Kropotkin. He created the London Group of Russian Anarchist Workers, which published and distributed propaganda literature. Several of Kropotkin's books were published in London, including the famous Notes of a Revolutionary.
One of Kropotkin's closest associates in London was the writer and revolutionary CM. Stepnyak-Kravchinsky. He ended up in London after the murder of the chief of gendarmes N.V. Mezentsev. In London he published the magazine Free Russia.
In 1902, the editorial office of the newspaper Iskra moved to London from Munich, along with V.I. Lenin, N.K. Krupskaya, Yu.O. Martov and V.I. Zasulich. From April 1902 to April 1902, Lenin and Krupskaya lived in London under the name Richter.
In July-August, the 2nd Congress of the RSDLP took place in London, moving there after it was dispersed by the Brussels police.
After the October Revolution of 1917, emigrants of opposing political beliefs poured into London. There is no exact data on how many emigrants of the first wave settled in London; most often they talk about the figure of 50 thousand people. Now completely different organizations were created in the capital of Great Britain: the Committee for the Liberation of Russia, which professed the views of the Cadet Party, the Society of Northerners and Siberians, headed by the Socialist-Revolutionary A.V. Baikalov; Russian-British Brotherhood; Russian academic group. In London, magazines and newspapers were published in Russian, Russian teachers taught at universities, Russian shops, restaurants, and banks operated.
At this time, Great Britain took an active part in the intervention in Soviet Russia. The British landed on the White and Baltic seas, in Transcaucasia, Vladivostok, on the Black Sea - in Sevastopol, Novorossiysk and Batum. Colonial troops from Canada, Australia, and India were also brought into Russian territory.
In 1921, Great Britain resumed trade relations with Soviet Russia, and in 1924 recognized the Soviet Union as a state.
Since 1941, the USSR and Great Britain cooperated within the framework of the anti-Hitler coalition. And with the outbreak of the Cold War, relations between the two powers remained cold for many decades, many times complicated by spy scandals.
Spy scandals and disagreements over extradition issues complicate relations between Britain and the Russian Federation in the 21st century. In 2010, MI5 released data that the number of Russian spies in Great Britain is at Cold War levels, and apparently there are no fewer British spies in Russia.
A. V. Puzakov, A. V. Kermas
In 1553, an expedition under the command of Sir H. Willoughby was sent from London in search of a north-eastern route to India. In his accompanying letter, King Edward VI asked all influential persons “everywhere under the common firmament” to take into account that “Our Lord in heaven and on earth, who looks after the seas with kindness, did not provide for everything necessary to have in one region, so that some need others, thereby strengthening friendship between all people, and so that everyone would seek thanksgiving for everyone.”
H. Willoughby was not destined to survive in the White Sea, but his deputy R. Chancellor brought the survivors to Moscow, where they were warmly received by Ivan the Terrible. On Chancellor’s second visit, in 1555, the king sent with him the envoy Osip Nepeya - not only to develop trade relations, but also to explore the possibilities of purchasing weapons and hiring artisans. Unfortunately, in November 1556, on his way back, Chancellor drowned off the northeast coast of Scotland. Nepeya escaped, although the expensive gifts that he carried with him were lost - either in a shipwreck, or not without the participation of his “rude and greedy companions,” as the chronicler assessed them. At the same time, Bishop Leslie, in his History of Scotland, spoke more favorably of them, noting that Nepean had “good support from his countrymen.” The royal envoy, having reached London, managed to establish strong relations not only with Edward VI, but also with his successor Mary.
During the reign of the Tudors, a correspondence began between Ivan IV and Elizabeth, and the king went so far as to invite his English addressee to conclude an agreement on asylum and even marriage - if not with the queen herself, then with one of the ladies of her court. Trade developed through the Moscow Company, and in 1588, ships equipped with equipment from Russia went into battle against the Spanish Armada.
One of the first written evidence about the Muscovite kingdom belongs to G. Turberville, who complained that “the cold here is extraordinary,” and “the people are rude,” and that if he wrote in more detail, his “pen would not stand it.” Thus, the author set the biased tone characteristic of many British writings about Russians, which could undoubtedly negatively affect the work of many typewriters and electronic text editors.
The next Russian envoy's negotiating partner was a representative of James VI of Scotland. The year was 1603. The kingdoms of England and Scotland have already united, but their heraldic lions on their coats of arms have not yet. James VI Stuart even had the courage to consider expropriating part of Russian territory in 1611, when the state actually fell apart due to civil war, aggravated by foreign invasion. This project was presented to the king as "the greatest and most successful initiative that has ever been made to any of the rulers of this kingdom since Columbus approached Henry VII with the idea of \u200b\u200bopening the West Indies." G. Brereton in “Notes on the current Russian disasters that happened from the last war in this country” (1614) wrote about the invasion in 1610 of the Swedish army, which also consisted of the English, French and Scots: “Although they came as friends , to the rescue, it’s unlikely that anyone can keep the army from looting and robbery, which the unfortunate Russians fully felt during this bloody war.” But the election of Mikhail Romanov to the kingdom in 1613 marked the beginning of a new unity of the state.
James's son Charles I became involved in civil war in his homeland. The Russian envoy G.S. Dokhturov, who arrived in London in 1645 to report the death of Tsar Michael and the accession of his heir Alexei, received a sufficient impression of the troubles that befell England and Scotland. It is a pity that the ambassador was not able to familiarize himself with more recent research by historians on this topic and thereby avoid a simplified understanding of the issue. In his opinion, the conflict between the king and parliament arose as a result of Charles’s commitment to autocracy and Catholicism, and the merchant people sided with parliament, while the nobility supported the king.
Russia, like other European states, also experienced a crisis in the middle of the 17th century. But even despite quite serious opposition movements, Alexei sat confidently on the throne, which was further strengthened during the reign of his son, Peter the Great. The Stuarts, who again came to power in the person of Charles II in 1660 after the Cromwellian Interregnum, were overthrown again in 1688, now completely: both Charles and James VII lost their thrones and fled to France. Followers of the Jacobist movement, laboring over the restoration of the monarchy, could be found in many countries, including those surrounded by Peter the Great and his heirs. There was even a plan to arrange a marriage between Peter’s daughter Elizabeth and Karl Edward, which, however, failed.
Throughout the 17th century, England gave priority to trade, while Russia gave priority to politics. An example of this is the period after 1649, when Tsar Alexei expelled English merchants from Russia on trumped-up charges of their involvement in the execution of Charles I. The Scots gained fame in the mercenary service, and some of them, for example, Patrick Gordon, reached senior positions .
Interaction in the field of culture was scarce due to religious differences, although there was dialogue between the Orthodox and Protestant churches regarding possible cooperation in the fight against the common enemy - Catholicism. Before the advent of the secular book in Russia, literary connections were limited to quotations from English authors, in particular Shakespeare and Milton. In “A Brief History of Muscovy,” the latter, drawing comparisons with England in terms of “mores, faith, government, and the like,” argued that Russia is “the northernmost region of Europe that can be considered civilized.” The perception of Europe as a kind of unified space, which emerged towards the end of the 17th century, became more important than the differences between the leading movements in Christianity.
The famous visit of Peter the Great to London in 1698 opened a new page both in the diplomatic and cultural-economic sense. Although the writer D. Evelyn wrote in his diary that Peter and his entourage were “simply unbearable” (they destroyed the house they rented from him), the Bishop of Salisbury was pleasantly surprised by the level of Peter’s education and noted that the king “carefully studied the Bible.”
In 1707, the union of the Scottish and English parliaments helped reduce the threat of Jacobism. But when the Elector of Hanover became George I in 1714, Peter was still suspected of sympathizing with the disgraced Stuarts, as well as claims to the Baltic states and northern Germany. D. Defoe was among the writers who published “reliable notes from Russia,” which spoke with alarm about a new force gaining power. It is not without reason that in the second part of Robinson Crusoe, his hero makes his way through the harsh, endless Siberia.
Commercial relations were strengthened by a trade agreement in 1736. Russia and Great Britain fought side by side throughout most of the Seven Years' War. However, during the American War of Independence, the former allies were on opposite sides of the barricades: Catherine the Great pursued a policy of armed neutrality, looking down on what she considered the clumsy approach of “Brother George” to the American problem.
Thus, in the middle of a 450-year historical journey, relations between Great Britain and Russia were far from friendly. But then both countries united in the fight against the French Revolution, and at the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries in Russia, a period of “Anglomania” can be clearly distinguished.
This later resulted in the literary influence of Lord Byron on Pushkin and Sir Walter Scott on Tolstoy.
As a Russian poet said in the second half of the 18th century, “Peter gave bodies to the Russians, Catherine gave souls,” thereby accurately noting the commitment of each of the monarchs to practical and cultural activities, respectively. British researchers highly appreciated Catherine's contribution to the development of the arts, including her tutelage of the Scottish architect Charles Cameron. One of them wrote: “Until now, the Russians have rarely shown themselves in the field of literature, but the highest patronage in the establishment of academies and other scientific colleges, recently provided by their monarchs, provides strong evidence that they are in no way lagging behind in mental abilities. The papers they discuss at their academic meetings receive the most enthusiastic evaluations in Europe."
However, soon Alexander I had to listen to unpleasant words addressed to him for the Treaty of Tilsit in 1807 with Napoleon, and in 1812 to accept congratulations for the victory over the French invaders. When Alexander, as the winner, was invited to visit London, his marshal, Barclay de Tolly, was asked to return to his family's Scottish estate, Towie Barclay Castle in the County of Aberdeen.
However, almost immediately after the celebrations, relations deteriorated, and a new wave of Russophobia arose. This was due to the suppression of the Polish uprising of 1830–1831. and the severity of the Eastern question. During his student years, Tennyson exclaimed: “God, how long will this go on? How long will these heartless Muscovites oppress this region? The slogan “We will not give Constantinople to the Russians!” resounded loudly during the Crimean War. Fears also grew. During a sermon on April 26, 1854, on the “day of national mourning,” warnings were sounded that hostilities could not only spread to the shores of Britain, but the enemy could win: “The very thought of it is terrible - a enslaved country, blood-stained streets, domination of despots, violated freedoms, trampled rights, shackles and death."
While Queen Victoria shared the widely held views of her subjects about the uncouth "Russian bear", the tsars, who had unlimited power, did not consider the British system to be a full-fledged monarchy, and this was unlikely to please the queen. Britain's Great Campaign in Afghanistan intensified the rivalry. At the same time, a common enemy emerged in Turkey, and with the weakening of the Ottoman Empire’s power in the Balkans, the “Eastern Question” was reformulated. K. Garnett, with her translations of Tolstoy and other leading Russian writers, helped dispel the myth of the “Russian barbarians.” Russian culture in all its diversity began to have a serious influence on British culture, especially after the tour of the Imperial Ballet.
In 1896, Nicholas II and his wife Alexandra Feodorovna went on a grand tour of Europe. Queen Victoria was delighted to see again her granddaughter, "dear Aliki", who had spent several of her childhood years with her after her mother's untimely death. But the Queen was recommended to receive the royal family at the Scottish royal residence of Balmoral, and not in London. After all, Nicholas had already acquired an extremely negative reputation, so Russian radicals and members of the secret Irish Fenian society were overwhelmed with determination to eliminate the tsar. When Nicholas arrived in Aberdeen, the respectable local newspaper Bon Accord, which could hardly be suspected of revolutionary sentiments, wrote that he was “a tyrant who mercilessly trampled on the independence of his subjects.”
Omissions and misunderstandings carried over into the 20th century. When the Russian Pacific Fleet was defeated at the start of the war with Japan in 1904 and the Baltic Fleet took to the oceans to take revenge on the enemy, the Russians mistook British fishing boats in the North Sea for enemy ships and fired on them. Some British political forces used this incident as a reason to call for a declaration of war from the pages of newspapers.
As the Triple Alliance began to raise tensions in the Balkans and beyond, Britain joined forces with Russia and France to form the Entente. What is certain is that the Allies helped each other more than once at key moments in the First World War. For example, immediately after it began, Russia could rightfully claim that the Battle of the Marne, which saved Paris, was won at the cost of the lives of Russian soldiers in East Prussia.
“Nicholas the Bloody” and the autocracy continued to spoil the impression of the “noble mission of the West.” But his overthrow during the February Revolution of 1917, which occurred shortly after the US entered hostilities, made it possible to imagine events in such a way that the war was waged by the forces of democracy (both in the West and in the East) against the autocracy of the Triple Alliance. True, the tsar and his family were a problem for the Provisional Government. There was talk that George V should provide the Romanovs with asylum, and they could be taken out by sea. But neither the king nor Prime Minister L. George wanted to become targets of attacks from hostile newspapers and public opinion. Therefore, Kerensky sent the Romanovs to Siberia.
The fall of the Provisional Government and the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks in October 1917 put an end to the process of rapprochement between the two states: the aggravation of Russophobia was aggravated by the fear of communism. There were slightly more fans of the hammer and sickle in Britain than fans of the double-headed eagle. When news of the execution of the royal family reached London in July 1918, only a small note appeared in the newspapers. In 1919, information leaked that the Russian Revolution was spreading to British cities, especially Glasgow. But these were just rumors.
In 1921, commercial interests forced Great Britain to recognize the existence of Soviet Russia, and political recognition followed in 1924. But that same year, a false “letter from Zinoviev” calling for the violent overthrow of the government reignited anti-Soviet sentiment.
In 1927, due to the espionage activities of the USSR, S. Baldwin denounced the trade agreement and broke off diplomatic relations. There was even talk of declaring war. And although relations were restored in 1929, persistent mistrust, reinforced by “purges” in the leadership of the USSR, made closer cooperation impossible - even in the face of the growing fascist threat.
Britain's policy of "appeasement" was hardly designed to bring the Soviet Union closer. During the Spanish Civil War, when Britain, along with other Western countries, did almost nothing to curb Franco and his supporters, the USSR provided support to the long-suffering republic. And then, in August 1939, shortly before the conclusion of the German-Soviet non-aggression pact, which provided for the division of Poland and the Baltic states, negotiations were interrupted between Britain and France, on the one hand, and the Soviet Union, on the other. However, Stalin's policy of containment also failed when Hitler launched Operation Barbarossa on June 22, 1941.
A sharp turn in British-Soviet relations followed. Churchill, known in the Soviet Union as a militant anti-communist, now became a staunch ally of Stalin, who in the West was known only as a “heartless tyrant”, now in his own way called “Uncle Joe”. The purges stopped in the USSR, although conformism continued to be the dictate of the times. In the United Kingdom, previously despised left-wing intellectuals became welcome guests of the establishment, and propaganda films about the successes of Soviet power, once available only in closed film clubs (or even banned), appeared in wide release.
The Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor in December 1941 led to the formation of an allied coalition and immediately forced Churchill, Roosevelt and Stalin to begin intensive negotiations. In a series of conferences that culminated in Yalta, the Big Three determined the strategy for victory and the fate of the post-war world. During an informal meeting with Stalin in October 1944, Churchill concluded the so-called “percentage agreement” on spheres of influence in Eastern Europe: the USSR received 90 percent in Romania, Great Britain - in Greece, etc.
The death of T. Roosevelt in April 1945 and the July defeat of W. Churchill in the elections heralded the collapse of the Big Three. Moreover, despite the impact of Churchill's Iron Curtain speech in March 1946, it soon became clear that there were only two superpowers. The Empire was disintegrating, and Britain found its forces too spread thin. And although the Labor Foreign Secretary E. Bevin, no less than Churchill, sought to maintain the status quo, by 1947 he was forced to admit that Britain was not able to keep Greece and the Middle East under control alone.
The advent of the Truman Doctrine and the Marshall Plan meant that the center of Western power had moved overseas. Eisenhower responded to A. Eden’s attempts to turn back the clock during the Suez crisis with a sharp shout, and Khrushchev with threats.
Meanwhile, the West, led by the United States, could do little in response to calls for help that came from Hungary, Poland and other countries within the Soviet sphere of influence in Eastern Europe. After the Chinese Revolution of 1949 and the collapse of the colonial empires, the United States led the ranks of those who tried to contain communism in the Third World, fighting in Korea and Vietnam.
When the Cold War nearly turned hot during the Cuban Crisis of 1962, Britain played a minor role in the drama. And culturally, it also remained in the background, although several works by British authors were actively promoted by the organizers of the “struggle between the forces of light and darkness.” For example, American organizations and foundations contributed to the promotion of J. Orwell’s book “1984” to the market, and A. Toynbee’s “A Study in History” was praised by Time magazine as a work that is comparable in importance to the transition from the Ptolemaic picture of the world to the ideas of Copernicus, since she “shattered the icy schemes of historical determinism and materialism, again recognizing the Lord God as the active agent of the historical process.”
Britain, ahead of the United States in restoring constructive ties with the Soviet Union, has more than once acted as the “forerunner” in curtailing them. Thus, the “ice age” in relations between the USSR and the West in the first half of the 1980s was preceded by a “cooling” in Soviet-British relations. It was caused by Britain's military cooperation with China, London's dissatisfaction with the activity of the USSR and Cuba in Ethiopia, and the decision of the government of D. Callaghan to create a neutron bomb.
It was from London that the sharpest reaction to the entry of Soviet troops into Afghanistan and the events in Poland came. However, the alternation of diplomatic ebbs and flows in the interaction between England and Russia repeated itself. M. Thatcher, who set a course for restoring the international prestige of her country, was the first of the Western leaders to rely on M. S. Gorbachev. Counting on democratic reforms and the transformation of the USSR as a counterweight to the growing Germany, the “Iron Lady” unintentionally contributed to the development of events in the opposite scenario. Soon Germany, contrary to Thatcher's calculations, united and again became the dominant center of Europe.
Thus, the rich and complex history of relations between Russia and Britain shows that for most of the time, first the Russian Empire and then the Soviet Union were the key elements shaping British foreign policy doctrine, and Moscow almost always considered London one of the main representatives of the community of Western powers. However, before the world plunged into the maelstrom of the Cold War, England and Russia, over the centuries-long history of their relations, managed to be both the main geopolitical rivals and allies.
Unusually different, they were, by the will of history and geography, surprisingly similar, although they understood each other poorly. The best illustration of this is the winged words of Winston Churchill, who called Russia “a mystery, shrouded in the darkness of the unknown.”
Closing Europe from the west and from the east, they occupied a border position between the continent and other parts of the world. They were not blocked by the masses of other states and successfully spread their influence far beyond the borders of Europe. The sea and land powers were open to the outside, saw themselves not only in the European, but also in the global context, were engulfed in world projects and were passionate about missionary work. These trends continued at the end of the twentieth century - since the collapse of the USSR and the formation of a new state - the Russian Federation.
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